
.k Jlzl 



ij|<i:si:nti;i) hy 



SOUTHEEIT ADVENTUEE 



m 



TIME OF "WAR. 



LIFE "WITH THE UNION ARMIES, 



RESIDENCE ON A LOUISIANA PLANTATION. 



BY 

THOMAS W. KNOX, 

HEBALD CORKESPONDENT. 



•WITH ILLUSTBATI0N8. . 



NEW YOEK: 
BLELOCK AND COMPANY, 

19 BEEKMAN STREET. 

1805. ' 




58l:iJ? 



Entered according te Act of Congress, in the year 1883, 
By BLELOCK & COMPANY. 

In the Clei'k's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern 

District of New York. 



JOHN A. GKAX & GREEN, 

Printers, Stereotj'pers, and Binders, 

16 & IS Jacob St., N. Y. 



TO 

THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PRESS, 

■WHO FOLLOWED THE 

F0ETUNE3 OF THE NATIONAL ARMIES, 

AND EECOEDED 
tHB DEEDS OP VALOE THAT SECURED THE PEEPETUITT OF THE EEPUBLIC, 

QT^ts Volv.mt 
IS SYMPATHETICALLI INSCHIBED. 



TO THE EEADEE. 



A PEEFACE usually takes tlie form of an apology. 
The author of this volume has none to offer. 

The book owes its appearance to its discovery of a 
publisher. It has been prepared from materials gath- 
ered during the Campaigns herein recorded, and from 
the writer's personal recollections. 

Whatever of merit or demerit it possesses remains 
for the reader to ascertain. His judgment will be 
unprejudiced if he finds no word of promise on the 
prefatory page. 

New Toek, September 15th, 1865. 



(llttstra;ti0ns. 



The Ram Arkansas v^ttssinq theough our Fleet above Vicks- 

BURG ....... frontispieca 



FAGB 



Hauliistg down a Eebel Flag at Hickman, Kentucky . 38 

The Opening Gun at Booneyille . . . .46 

The Death of General Lyon .... 80 

General Sigel's Transportation in Missouri . . . 98 

Shelling the Hill at Pea PacGE . . ■ . . 142 

General Nelson's Division Crossing the Tennessee . . 154 

Running the Batteries at Island Number Ten . . 170 

The Rebel Charge at Corinth, Mississippi . . . 214 

Assaulting the Hill at Chickasa-w Bayou . . 248 

Strategy against Guerrillas . . . . .416 

The Steamer Von Phul Running the Batteries . . 472 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

ANTE BELLUM. 



At the Rocky Mountains. — Sentiment of tlie People. — Firing the 
Southern Heart. — A Midwinter Journey across tiie Plains. — An Ed- 
itor's Opinion. — Election in Missouri. — The North springing to Anns. 
— An amusing Arrest. — Off for the Field. — Final Instructions. — Ni- 
agara. — Curiosities of Banking. — Arrival at the Seat of War 19 

CHAPTER 11. 

MISSOURI m THE EARLY DAYS. 

Apathy of the Border States. — The Missouri State Convention.— Sterling 
Price a Union Man. — Plan to take the State out of the Union. — Cap- 
ture of Camp Jackson. — Energy of General Lyon. — Union Men or- 
ganized. — An Unfortunate Collision. — The Price-Harney Truce. — 
The Panic among the Secessionists. — Their Hegira from St. Louis. — 
A Visit to the State Capital. — Under the Rebel Flag. — Searching for 
Contraband Articles. — An Introduction to Rebel Dignitaries. — Gov- 
ernor Jackson. — Sterling Price. — Jeff. Thompson. — Activity at Cairo. 
— Kentucky Neutrality, — The Rebels occupy Columbus 27 

CHAPTER HI. 

THE BEGINNINa OF HOSTILITIES. 

General Harney Relieved. — Price's Proclamation. — End of the Truce. — 
Conference between the Union and Rebel Leaders. — The First Act of 
Hostility. — Destruction of Railway Bridges. — Promptness of General 
Lyon.— Capture of the State Capital.— Moving on the Enemy's "Works. 
—The Night l:efore Battle.— A Correspondent's Sensation 39 



8 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER ly. / 

THE FIRST BATTLE IN MISSOURI. 

Moving up the Eiver. — A Landing Effected. — The Battle. — Precipitous 
Eetreat of the Rebels. — Spoiling a Captured Camp. — Eebel Flags 
Emblazoned with the State Arms. — A Journalist's Outfit. — A Chap- 
lain of the Church Militant. — A Mistake that might have been Un- 
fortunate. — The People of Booneville. — Visiting an Official. — Bank- 
ing-House Loyalty. — Preparations for a Campaign 47 

CHAPTER V. 

TO SPRIKGFIELD AND BEYOND. 

Conduct of the St. Louis Secessionists. — Collisions between Soldiers and 
Citizens. — Indignation of the Guests of a Hotel. — From St. Louis to 
EoUa. — Opinions of a "Eegular." — Eailway-life in Missouri. — Un- 
profitable Freight. — A Story of Orthography. — ^Mountains and Mount- 
ain Streams. — Fastidiousness Checked. — Frontier Courtesy. — Con- 
centration of Troops at Springfield. — A Perplexing Situation. — The 
March to Dug Spring. — Sufferings from Heat and Thirst 55 

CHAPTER VI. 

THE BATTLE OF WILSON CREEK. 

The Eeturn from Dug Spring. — The Eebels follow in Pursuit. — Prepara- 
tions to Attack them. — The Plan of Battle. — Moving tp the Attack — 
A Bivouac. — The Opening Shot. — "Is that Official ?" — Sensations of a 
Spectator in Battle. — Extension of Distance and Time. — Characteris- 
tics of Projectiles. — Taking Notes under Fire. — Strength and Losses 
of the Opposing Armies. — A Noble Eecord. — The "Wounded on the 
Field. — " One More Shot." — Granger in his Element. — General Lyon's 
Death 67 

CHAPTER VH. 

THE RETREAT FROM SPRINGFIELD. 

A Council of "War. — The Journalists' Council. — Preparations for Ee- 
treat. — Preceding the Advance-Guard. — Alarm and Anxiety of the 
People. — Magnificent Distances. — A Novel Odometer. — The Unre- 
liable Countryman. — Neutrality. — A Night at Lebanon. — A Disa- 
greeable Lodging-place. — Active Secessionists. — The Man who Sought 



CONTENTS. • 9 

and Found his Riglits. — Approaching Civilization. — Echel Couriers 
on the Route. — Arrival at Eolla 81 

CHAPTER VIII. 

GENERAL FREMONt's PURSUIT OF PRICE. 

Quarrel between Price and McCuUoch. — The Eebels Advance upon Lex- 
ington. — A Novel Defense for Sharp-shooters. — Attempt to Re-enforce- 
the Garrison. — An Enterprising Journalist. — The Surrender. — Fre- 
mont's Advance. — Causes of Delay. — How the Journalists Killed 
Time. — Late News.— A Contractor " Sold."— Sigel in Front. — A 
Motley Collection. — A "Wearied OfScer. — The "Woman who had never 
seen a Black Republican. — Love and Conversion 93- 

CHAPTER IX. 

THE SECOND CAMPAIGN TO SPRINGFIELD. 

Detention at "Warsaw. — A Bridge over the Osage. — The Body-Guard. — 
Manner of its Organization. — The Advance to Springfield. — Charge 
of the Body-Guard. — A Corporal's Ruse. — Occupation of Springfield. 
— The Situation. — "Wilson Creek Revisited. — Traces of the Battle. — 
Rumored Movements of the Enemy. — Removal of General Fremont. 
— Danger of Attack. — A Night of Excitement. — The Return to 
St. Louis. — Curiosities of the Scouting Service. — An Arrest by 
Mistake 103 

CHAPTER X. 

TWO MONTHS OF IDLENESS. 

A Promise Fulfilled. — Capture of a Rebel Camp and Train.-r— Rebel Sym- 
pathizers in St. Louis. — General Halleck and his Policy. — Refugees 
from Rebeldom.^ — Story of the Sufferings of a IJnion Family. — Chiv- 
alry in the Nineteenth Century. — The Army of the Southwest in Mo- 
tion. — Gun-Boats and Transports. — Capture of Fort Henry. — The 
Effect in St. Louis. — Our Flag Advancing 113 

CHAPTER XI. 

ANOTHER CAMPAIGN IN MISSOURI. 

From St. Louis to Rolla. — A Limited Outfit. — Missouri Roads in 'Winter. 
— "Two Solitary' Horsemen."— Restricted Accommodations in a 



10 CONTENTS. 

Slaveholder's House. — An Energetic Quartermaster, — General Sheri- 
dan before he became Famous. — " Bagging Price." — A Defect in the 
Bag. — Examining the Correspondence of a Rebel General. — "What 
the Eebels left at their Departure 121 

CHAPTER XII. 

^ THE FLIGHT AlfD THE PURSUIT. 

From Springfield to Pea Eidge. — Mark Tapley in Missouri. — "The Ar- 
kansas Traveler." — Encountering the Rebel Army. — A "Wonderful 
Spring. — The Cantonment at Cross Hollows. — Game Chickens. — 
Magruder m. Breckinridge. — Rebel Generals in a Controversy. — Its 
Result. — An Expedition to Huntsville. — Curiosities of Rebel Cur- 
rency. — Important Information. — A Long and "Weary March. — Dis- 
position of Forces before the Battle. — Changing Front. — What the 
Eebels lost by Ignorance 127 

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE. 

The Rebels make their Attack. — Albert Pike and his Indians. — Scalping 
Wounded Men. — Death of General McCuUoch. — The Fighting at Elk- 
horn Tavern. — Close of a Gloomy Day. — An Unpleasant Night. — 
Vocal Sounds from a Mule's Throat. — Sleeping under Disadvan- 
tages. — A Favorable Morning. — The Opposing Lines of Battle.— A 
Severe Cannonade. — The Forest on Fire. — Wounded Men in the 
Flames. — The Rebels in Retreat. — Movements of our Army. — A 
Journey to St. Louis 137 

CHAPTER XIV. 

UP THE TENNESSEE AND AT PITTSBURG LANDING. 

At St. Louis. — Progress of our Arms in the Great Valley. — Cairo. — Its 
Peculiarities and Attractions. — Its Commercial, Geographical, and 
Sanitary Advantages. — Up the Tennessee. — Movements Preliminary 
to the Great Battle. — The Rebels and their Plans. — Postponement 
of the Attack. — Disadvantages of our Position. — The Beginning of 
*the Battle. — Results of the First Day. — Re-enforcements. — Disputes 
between Officers of our two Armies. — Beauregard's Watering- 
Place 147 



CONTENTS. 11 

CHAPTER XV. 

SHILOHit iSD THE SIEGE OF CORINTH. 

The Error of tlie Eebels. — Story of a Surgeon. — Experience of a Eebe] 
Eegiment. — Injury to the Eebel Army. — The Effect in our own 
Lines. — Daring of a Color-Bearer. — A Brave Soldier. — A Drummer- 
Boy's Experience. — Gallantry of an Artillery Surgeon. — A Eegiment 
Commanded by a Lieutenant. — Friend Meeting Friend and Brother 
Meeting Brother in the Opposing Lines. — The Scene of the Battle. — 
Fearful Traces of Musketry-Fire. — The Wounded. — The Labor of 
the Sanitary Commission. — Humanity a Yankee Trick. — Besieging 
Corinth. — A Cold-Water Battery. — Halleck and the Journalists. — 
Occupation of Corinth 157 

CHAPTER XVI. 

CAPTURE OF FORT PILLOW AND BATTLE OF MEMPHIS. 

The Siege of Fort Pillow. — General Pope. — His Eeputation for Verac- 
ity. — Capture of the "Ten Thousand." — Naval Battle above Fort 
Pillow. — The John JI. Diclcey. — Occupation of the Fort. — General 
Forrest. — Strength of the Fortifications. — Their Location. — Ean- 
dolph, Tennessee. — Memphis and her Last Ditch. — Opening of the 
Naval Combat. — Gallant Action of Colonel EUet. — Fate of the 
Eebel Fleet.— The People Viewing the Battle.— Their Conduct. . 1C9 

CHAPTER. XVH. 

IN MEMPHIS AND UNDER THE FLAG. 

Jeff. Thompson and his Predictions. — A Cry of Indignation. — Memphis 
Humiliated. — The Journalists in the Battle. — The Surrender. — A 
Fine Point of Law and Honor. — Going on Shore. — An Enraged 
Secessionist. — A Dangerous Enterprise. — Memphis and her Antece- 
dents. — Her Loyalty. — An Amusing Incident. — How the Natives 
learned of the Capture of Fort Donelson. — The Last Ditch. — A 
Farmer- Abolitionist. — Disloyalty among the Women. — "Blessings 
in Disguise." — An American Mark Tapley 179 

CHAPTER XVHL 

SUPERVISING A REBEL JOURNAL. 

The Press of Memphis.— Flight of The Appeal. — A False Prediction. — 
The Argus becomes Loyal. — Order from General Wallace. — Installed 



12 CONTENTS. 

in Office. — Lecturing the Rebels. — "Trade follows the Flag."— 
Abuses of Ti'affic. — Supplying the Eebels.T-A Perilous Adventure. — 
Passing the Eebel Lines. — Eluding WatchV, 4 Eyes 189 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE FIRST SIEGE OF VICKSBURG. 

From Memphis to Vicksburg. — Eunning the Batteries. — Our Inability 
to take Vicksburg by Assault. — Digging a Canal.' — A Conversation 
with Eesident Secessionists. — Their Arguments jpro and cora, and the 
Answers they Eeceived. — A Curiosity of Legislation. — An Expedi- 
tion up the Yazoo. — Destruction of the Eebel Fleet. — The ArJcansas 
Eunning the Gauntlet. — A Spirited Encounter. — A Gallant Attempt. 
— Eaising the Siege. — Fate of the Arlcansas 197 

CHAPTER XX. 

THE MARCH THROUGH ARKANSAS. — THE SIEGE OF CINCINNATI. 

General Curtis's Army reaching Helena. — Its "Wanderings. — The Arkan- 
sas Navy. — Troops and their Supplies "miss Connection." — Eebel 
Eeports. — Memphis in Midsummer. — "A Journey due North." — 
Chicago. — Bragg's Advance into Kentucky. — Kirby Smith in Front 
of Cincinnati. — The City under Martial Law. — The Squirrel Hunters. 
— "War Correspondents in Comfortable Quarters. — Improvising an 
Army. — Eaising the Siege. — Bragg's Eetreat 205 

CHAPTER XXI. 

THE BATTLE OF CORINTH. 

New Plans of the Eebels. — Their Design to Capture Corinth. — Advanc- 
ing to the Attack. — Strong Defenses. — A Magnificent Charge. — 
Valor ts. Breast-Works. — The Eepulse. — Eetreat and Pursuit. — The 
National Arms Triumphant 213 

CHAPTER XXIL 

THE CAMPAIGN FROM CORINTH. 

Changes of Commanders. — Preparations for the Aggressive. — Marching 
from Corinth. — Talking with the People. — "You-unsand We-uns." 
— Conservatism of a " Eegular." — Loyalty and Disloyalty. — Condi- 
tion of the Eebel Army. — Foraging. — German Theology for Ameri- 
can Soldiers. — A Modest Landlord. — A Boy without a Name. — The 



C02TTENTS. 13 

Freedmen's Bui*eau. — Employing Negroes. — Holly Springs and its 
People. — ^An Argument for Secession 219 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

grant's occupation of MISSISSIPPI. 

The Slavery Question. — A Generous Offer. — A Journalist's Modesty. — 
Hopes of the Mississippians at tlae Beginning of tlie "War. — Visiting an 
Editress. — Literature under Difficulties. — Jacob Thompson and his 
Correspondence. — Plans for the Capture of Vicksburg. — Movements 
of General Sherman. — The Paid upon Holly Springs. — Forewarned, 
but not Forearmed. — A Gallant Fight 233 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE BATTLE OF CHICKASAW BATOU. 

Leaving Memphis. — Down the Great Piver. — Landing in the Yazoo. — 
Description of the Ground. — A Night in Bivouac. — Plan of Attack. — 
Moving toward the Hills. — Assaulting the Bluff. — Our Pepulse. — 
New Plans. — Withdrawal from the Yazoo 243 

CHAPTER XXV. 

BEFORE VICKSBURG. 

Capture of Arkansas Post. — The Army returns to Milliken's Bend. — 
General Sherman and the Journalists. — Arrest of the Author. — His 
Trial before a Military Court. — Letter from President Lincoln. — 
Capture of Three Journalists 253 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

KANSAS IN TVAR-TIME. 

A Visit to Kansas. — ^Recollections of Border Feuds. — Peculiarities of 
Kansas Soldiers. — Foraging as a Fine Art. — Kansas and Missouri. — 
Settling Old Scores. — Depopulating the Border Counties. — Two Ex- 
amples of Grand Strategy. — Capture of the " Little-More-Grape '^ 
Battery. — A "Woman in Sorrow. — Frontier Justice. — Trial before a 
"Lynch" Court. — General Blunt's Order. — Execution ,of Horse- 
Thieves. — Auction Sale of Confiscated Property. — Banished to 
Dixie 261 



14 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

GETTYSBURG. 

A Hasty Departure. — At Ilarrisburg.— ^?i route for tlie Army of tho 
Potomac, — The Battle-Field at Gettysburg.— Appearance of the Cem- 
etery. — Importance of the Position. — The Configuration of Ground. 
— Traces of Battle. — Kound Hill. — General Meade's Head-Quarters. 
— Appearance of the Dead. — Through the Forests along the Line. — 
Eetreat and Pursuit of Lee 275 

CHAPTER XXVHI. ' 

IN THE NOETHTVEST. 

From Chicago to Minnesota. — Curiosities of Low-Water Navigation. — St. 
Paul and its Sufferings in Earlier Days. — The Indian "War. — A Brief 
History of our Troubles in that Region. — General Pope's Expeditions 
to Chastise the Ked Man. — Honesty in the Indian Department. — The 
End of the 'Warfare.— The Pacific Eailway.— A Bold Undertaking.— 
Penetrating British Territory. — The Hudson Bay Company. — Pecu- 
liarities of a Trapper's Life 289 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

INAUGURATION? OF A GREAT ENTERPRISE. 

Plans for Arming the Negroes along the Mississippi. — Opposition to the 
Movement. — Plantations Deserted by their Owners. — Gathering 
Abandoned Cotton. — Rules and Regulations. — Speculation. — "Widows 
and Orphans in Demand. — Arrival of Adjutant-General Thomas. — 
Designs of the Government 305 

CHAPTER XXX. 

COTTON-PLANTING IN 1863. 

Leasing the Plantations. — Interference of the Rebels. — Raids. — Treat- 
ment of Prisoners. — The Attack upon MUliken's Bend. — A Novel 
Breast-Work. — Murder of our Officers. — Profits of Cotton-Planting. — 
Dishonesty of Lessees. — Negroes Planting on their own Account. 313 

CHAPTER XXXL 

AMONG THE OFFICIALS. 

Reasons for Trying an Experiment. — Activity among Lessees. — Opinions 
of the Residents. — Rebel Hopes in 1863. — Removal of Negroes to 



CONTENTS. 15 

"West Louisiana. — Visiting IsTatcliez. — The City and its Business. — 
" The Eejected Addresses " 323 

CHAPTER XXXn. 

A JOURNEY OUTSIDE THE LINES. 

Passing the Pickets. — Cold Weather in the South. — Effect of Climate 
upon the Constitution. — Surrounded and Captured. — Prevarication 
and Explanation. — Among the Natives. — The Game for the Confed- 
eracy. — Courtesy of the Planters. — Condition of the Plantations. — 
The PiCturn 331 

CHAPTER XXXni. 

ON THE PLANTATION. 

Military Protection. — Promises. — Another "Widow. — Securing a Planta- 
tion. — Its Locality and Appearance. — Gardening in Louisiana. — How 
Cotton is Picked.—" The Tell-Tale."— A Southerner's Opinion of the 
Negro Character. — Causes and Consequences 341 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

RULES AND REGULATIONS UNDER THE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS. 

The Plantation Record. — Its Uses. — Interesting Memoranda. — Dogs, 
Jail, and Stocks. — Instructions to the Overseer. — His Duties and 
Eesponsibilities. — The Order of General Banks. — Management of 
Plantations in the Department of the Gulf. — The two Documents 
Contrasted. — One of the Effects of " an Abolition "War " 355 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

OUR FREE-LABOR ENTERPRISE IN PROGRESS. 

The Negroes at "Work.— DifBculties in the "Way. — A Public Meeting. — 
A Speech. — A Negro's Idea of Freedom. — A Difficult Question to 
Determine. — Influence of Northern and Southern Men Contrasted. — 
An Increase of Numbers. — " Ginning " Cotton. — In the Lint-Eoom. — 
Mills and Machinery of a Plantation. — A Profitable Enterprise.. 371 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

"WAR AND AGRICULTURE. 

Official Favors. — Division of Labor. — Moral Suasion. — Corn-gathering 
in the South. — An Alarm. — A Frightened Irishman. — The Eebels 



16 CONTENTS. 

Approaching. — An Attack on "Waterproof. — Falstaff Eedivivus. — 
His Feats of Arms. — Depaxtui-e for New Orleans 381 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

IN THE COTTON MARKET. 

New Orleans and its Peculiarities. — Its Loss by the Eebellion. — Cotton 
Factors in New Orleans. — Old Things passed away. — The Northern 
Barbarians a Race of Shopkeepers. — Pulsations of the Cotton Mar- 
ket. — A Quarrel with a Lady. — Contending for a Principle. — Inhar- 
mony of the " Eegulations." — An Account of Sales 391 

CELAPTER XXXVIII. 

SOME FEATURES OF PLANTATION LIFE. 

Mysteries of Mule-trading. — " What's in a Name ?" — Process of Stock- 
ing a Plantation. — An Enterprising White Man.— Stratagem of a 
Yankee. — Distributing Goods to the Negroes. — The Tastes of the 
African. — Ethiopian Eloquence. — A Colored Overseer. — Guerrillas 
Approaching. — Whisky vs. Guerrillas. — A Iliut to Military Men, 405 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

VISITED BY GUERRILLAS. 

News of the Paid. — Returning to the Plantation. — Examples of Negro 
Cunning. — A Sudden Departure and a Fortunate Escape. — A Second 
Visit. — "Going Through," in Guerrilla Parlance. — How it is Accom- 
plished. — Courtesy to Guests. — A Holiday Costume. — Lessees Aban- 
doning their Plantations. — Official Promises 417 . 

CHAPTER XL. 

PECULIARITIES OF PLANTATION LABOR. 

Resuming Operation. — Difnculties in the Way. — A New Method of 
Healing the Sick. — A Thief Discovered by his Ignorance of Arith- 
metic. — How Cotton is Planted. — The Uses of Cotton-Seed. — A 
Novel Sleeping-Room. — Constructing a Tunnel. — Vigilance of a 
Negro Sentinel 425 



CONTENTS. 17 

CHAPTER XLl. 

THE NEGROES AT A MILITARY POST, 

The Soldiers at Waterproof.— The Black Man in Blue.— Mutiny and 
Desertion.— Their Cause and Cure.— Tendering a Resignation.— No 
Desire for a Barber.— Seeking Protection.— Falsehood and Truth.— 
Proneness to Exaggeration. — Amusing Estimates 433 

CHAPTER XLH. 

THE END OF THE EXPERIMENT. 

The Nature of our "Protection."— Trade Following the Flag.- A For- 
tunate Journey.- Our Last Visit.— Inhumanity of the Guerrillas.— 
Driving Negroes into Captivity.— Killing an Overseer.— Our Final 
Departure. — Plantations Elsewhere 441 

CHAPTER XLHI. 

THE MISSISSIPPI AND ITS PECULIARITIES. 

Length of the Great Eiver, and the Area it Drains.— How Itasca Lake ob- 
tained its Name.— The Bends of the Mississippi.— Curious Effect upon 
Titles to Eeal Estate.— A Story of Napoleon.— A Steamboat Thirty- 
five Years under "Water.— The Current audits Variations.— Navigat- 
ing Cotton and Corn Fields.— Eeminiscences of the Islands 455 

CHAPTER XLIY. 

STEAMBOATING ON THE MISSISSIPPI IN PEACE AND WAR. 

Attempts to Obstruct the Great Eiver.— Chains, Booms, and Batteries. 
—A Novelty in Piloting.— Travel in the Days Before the Eebellion. 
—Trials of Speed.— The Great Eace.— Travel During the War.— 
Eunning a Eebel Battery on the Lower Mississippi.— Incidents of 
the Occasion. — Comments on the Situation 465 

CHAPTER XLV. 

THE ARMY CORRESPONDENT. 

The Beginning and the End.— The Lake Erie Piracy.— A Eochestor 
Story.— The First War Correspondent.— Napoleon's Policy.— Wa- 
terloo and the Rothschilds.— Journalistic Enterprise in the Mexican 
War.— The Crimea and the East Indian Eebellion.— Experiences at 
the Beginning of Hostihties.- The Tender Mercies of the Insurgents. 



18 CONTENTS. 

— In the Field. — Adventux-es in Missouri and Kentucky. — Corre- 
spondents in Captivity. — How Battle-Accounts were Written. — Pro-* 
fessional Complaints. 4T9 

CHAPTER XLVI. ' 

THE PRESENT CONDITION OF THE SOUTH. 

Scarcity of the Population. — Fertility of the Country. — Northern Men 
already in the South. — ^Kansas Emigrants Crossing Missouri. — Change 
of the Situation. — Present Disadvantages of Emigration. — Feeling of 
the People. — Property-Holders in Eichmond. — The Sentiment in 
North Carolina. — South Carolina Chivalry. — The Effect of War. — 
Prospect of the Success of Free Lahor. — Trade in the South 493 

CHAPTER XLVII. 

HOW DISADVANTAGES MAY BE OVERCOME. 

Conciliating the People of the South. — Eailway Travel and its Improve- 
ment. — EebuiMing Steamboats. — Eeplacing ."Working Stock. — The 
Condition of the Plantations. — Suggestions about Hasty Departures. 
— Obtaining Information. — The Attractions of Missouri 503 

CHAPTER XLVIII. 

THE RESOURCES OF THE SOUTHERN STATES. 

How the People have Lived. — An Agricultural Community. — Mineral 
and other Wealth of Virginia. — Slave-Breeding in Former Times. — 
The Auriferous Eegion of North Carolina. — Agricultural Advan 
tages. — Varieties of Soil in South Carolina. — Sea-Island Cotton. — 
Georgia and her Eailways. — Probable Decline of the Eice Culture. — 
The Everglade State. — The Lower Mississippi Valley. — The Eed 
Eiver. — Arkansas and its Advantages. — A Hint for Tragedians. — 
Mining in Tennessee. — The Blue-Grass Eegion of Kentucky. — Te-sas 
and its Attractions. — Difterence between Southern and Western 
Emigration. — The End 509 



CAMP-FIRE AND COTTON-FIELD. 



CHAPTER I. 

ANTE BELLUM. 

At the Eocky fountains. — Sentiment of the People. — Firing the 
Southern Heart. — A Midwinter Journey across the Plains. — An 
Editor's Opinion. — Election in Missouri. — The North springing to 
Arms. — An amusing Arrest. — Off for the rield.-»-Final Instructions. 
— Niagara. — Curiosities of Banking. — Arrival at the Seat of War. 

I PASSED tlie summer and autumn of 1860 in the 
Rocky Mountain Gold Region. At that time the pop- 
ulation of the young Territory was composed of emi- 
grants from Northern and Southern States, those from 
the colder regions iDeing in the majority. When the 
Presidential election took place, there was much angry 
discussion of the great questions of the day, and there 
were threats of violence on the part of the friends of the 
"institution." The residents of the Gold Region were 
unable to cast their votes for the men of their choice, 
but their anxiety to know the result was very great. 

When it was announced that the Republican candi- 
date had triumphed, there were speedy signs of discon- 
tent. Some of the more impulsive Southerners departed 
at once for their native States, predicting a separation 



20 PREPARING FOR THE FIELD. 

of Dixie from the North before the end of the year. 
Some went to "New Mexico, and others to' Texas, while 
many remained to press their favorite theories upon 
their neighbors. The friends of the Union were slow to 
believe that any serious difficulty would take place. 
Long after the secession of South Carolina they were 
confident our difierences could be healed without an 
appeal to arms. 

. My visit to the Rocky Mountains v/as a professional 
one. During my stay in that region I supplied several 
Eastern journals with letters from Colorado and New 
Mexico. One after another, the editors of these journals 
infonned me that letters from the Territories had lost 
their interest, dwing to the troubles growing out of the 
election. Wishing to take part in the drama about to 
be enacted, I essayed a midwinter journey across the 
j)lains, and, early in February, stood in the editorial 
room of TJie Herald. 

1 anno-unced my readiness to proceed to any point 
between the Poles, wherever T7ie Herald desired a cor- 
respondent. The editor-in-cliief was busy over a long 
letter from some point in the South, but his response 
was promptly given. Half reading, half pausing over 
the letter, he briefly said :— 

"A long and bloody war is upon us, in which the 
whole country will be engaged. We shall desire you 
to take the field ; probably in the AVest. It may be 
several weeks before we need you, but the war cannot 
be long delayed." 

At that time few persons in the North looked upon 



THE MISSOURI ELEOTIOIT. 21 

the situation with any fears of trouble. There were 
some who thought a hostile collision was among the 
possibilities, but these persons were generally in the 
minority. Many believed the secession movement was 
only the hasty work of political leaders, that would be 
soon undone when the people of the South came to their 
senses. 

That the South would deliberately plunge the coun- 
try into civil war was difficult to comprehend, even 
after the flT'st steps had been taken. The majority of 
the Northern people were hoping and believing, day 
by day, that something might transpire to quell the 
excitement and adjust the difficulties threatening to 
disturb the country. • 

Before leaving the Rocky Mountains I did not be- 
lieve that war was certain to ensue, though I considered 
it quite probable. As I passed through Missouri, the 
only slave State that lay in my route, I found every 
thing comparatively quiet. In St. Joseph, on the day 
of my arrival, the election for delegates to the State 
Convention was being held. There was no disorder, 
more than is usual on election days in small cities. 
Little knots of people were engaged in discussion, but 
the discussions partook of no extraordinary bitterness. 
The vote of the city was decidedly in favor of keeping 
the State in the Union. 

Between the Tth'of December and the 12th of April, 
the IN'orthern blood warmed slowly. The first gun at 
Sumter quickened its pulsations. When the President 
issued his call for seventy-five thousand men for three 



22 MISTAKEN IDENTITY. 

montlis, to put down insurrection, tlie ]N"ortli woke to 
action. Everywhere tlie response was prompt, earnest, 
patriotic. In the ISTorthern cities the recruiting offices 
were densely thronged. New York and Massachusetts 
Vv^ere first to send their favorite regiments to the front, 
but they were not long in the advance. Had the call 
been for four times seventy-five thousand, and for a 
service of three years, there is little doubt the people 
would have responded without hesitation. 

For a short time after my arrival at the* East, I re- 
mained in a small town in Southern 'New Hampshire. 
A few days after the first call was issued, a friend invited 
me to a seat in his carriage for a ride to Portsmouth, the 
sea-port of the State. On reaching the city we found the 
war spirit fully aroused. Two companies of infantry 
were drilling in the public square, and the citizens 
were in a state of great excitement. In the course of 
the, afternoon my friend and myself were arrested, by 
a committee of respectable citizens, who suspected us of 
being Southern emissaries. It was with great difficulty 
we convinced them they had made a -slight mistake. 
We referred them to the only acquaintances we had in 
the city. They refused to consider the truth established 
in the mouths of two witnesses, and were not induced 
to give us our liberty until all convenient proof of our 
identity had been adduced. 

To be arrested within twenty miles of home, on sus- 
picion of being delegated from Charleston or Montgom- 
ery, was one of my most amusing experiences of the 
war. The gentleman who accompanied me was a very 



. UNDER ARREST. 23 

earnest believer in coercion. His business in Ports- 
mouth on that occasion was to offer his services in a 
regiment then being formed. A few months later he 
received a commission in the army, but did not obtain 
it through«any of our temporary acquaintances at Ports- 
mouth. 

Our captors were the solid men of the city, any one 
of whom could have sat for the portrait of Mr. Turvey- 
drop without the slightest alteration. On taking us into 
custody, they stated the grounds on which they arrested 
us. Our dark complexions and long beards had aroused 
suspicions concerning the places of our nativity. Sus- 
picion was reduced to a certainty when one of them 
heard me mention my presence in Missouri on the day 
of choosing candidates for the Convention. Our purpose 
was divined when I asked if there was any activity at 
the Navy Yard. We were Rebel emissaries, who de- 
signed to lay their 'Nslyj Yard in ashes ! 

On our release and departure we were followed to 
our homes, that the correctness of our representations 
might be ascertained. This little occurrence, in the 
center of JSTew England, where the people claim to be 
thoroughly quiet and law-abiding, indicated that the 
war spirit in that part of the North was more than mo- 
mentary. 

The West was not behind the Eastern States in the 

•determination to subdue the Rebellion. Volunteers 

were gathering at Cairo, and threatening to occupy 

points further down the Mississippi. At, St. Louis the 

struggle was active between the Unionists and the Seces- 



24 GOING WEST. . 

sionists. A collision was a mere question of time, and 
of short time at the l)est. 

As I visited Tfie Herald office for final instructions, 
I fonnd that the managing editor had determined upon 
a vigorous campaign. Every point of interest "was to l)e 
covered, so that the operations of our armies "would Ibe 
fully recorded from day to day. The war correspond- 
ents had gone to their posts, or were just taking their 
departure. One correspondent was already on the way 
to Cairo. I was instructed to watch the military move- 
ments in Missouri, and hastened to. St. Louis as fast as 
steam could bear me. 

Detained twelve hours at Niagara, by reason of miss- 
ing a railway train, I found that " the opening war gave 
promise of affecting that locality. The hotel-keepers 
were gloomy at the prospect of losing their Southern 
patronage, and half feared they would be obliged to 
close their establishments. There were but few visitors, 
and even these were not of the class which scatters 
its money profusely. The village around the Falls dis- 
played positive signs of dullness,' and the inhabitants 
had personal as well as patriotic interest in wishing 
there was no war.' The Great Cataract was unchanged 
in its beauty and grandeur. The flood from the Lakes 
was not diminished, and the precipice over which the 
water plunged was none the less steep. The opening 
war had no effect "apon this wonder of the K'ew World.' 

In Chicago, business was prostrated on account of the 
outbreak of hostilities. Most of the banks in Illinois 
had been holding State bonds as securities for the re- 



EUMOES OF WAR. 25 

demption of tlieir circulation. As these "bonds were 
nearly all of Southern origin, the beginning of the war 
had materially affected their value. The banks found 
their securities rapidly becoming insecure, and hence 
there was a depreciation in the currency. This was not 
uniform, hut varied from five to sixty per cent., accord; 
ing to the value of the bonds the respective banks were 
holding. Each morning and evening bulletins were 
issued stating the value of the notes of the various bank- 
ing-houses. Sucii a currency was very inconvenient 
• to handle, as the payment of any considerable sum re- 
quired a calculation to establish the worth of each note. 

Many rumors were in circulation concerning the inse- 
curity of a Northern visitor in- St. Louis, but none of the 
stones were very alarming. Of one thing all were cer- 
tain — the star of the Union was in the ascendant. On 
arriving in St. Louis I found the city far from quiet, 
though there was nothing to lead a stranger to consider 
his personal safety in danger. I had ample material for 
entering at once upon my professional duties, in chroni- 
cling the disordered and threatening state of affairs. 

On the day of my arrival, I met a gentleman I had 
known in the Rocky Mountains, six months before. 
I knew his courage was beyond question, having seen 
him in several disturbances incident to the Gold Re- 
gions ; but I was not aware which side of the great 
*' cause he had espoused. After our first greetings, I 
ventured to ask how he stood. 

" I am a Union man," was his emphatic response. 

" What kind of a Union man are you ?" 



26 AN UNFORTUNATE CONSIGNMENT. 

"I am tliis kind of a Union man," and lie tlire-w 
open his coat, and showed me a liuge revolver, strapped 
to his waist. 

There were many loyal men in St. Louis, whose 
sympathies were evinced in a similar manner. Re- 
volvers were at a premium. 

Some of the Secessionists ordered a quantity of 
revolvers from New York, to be forwarded by ex- 
press. To prevent interference by the Union author- 
ities, they caused the case to be directed to "Colonel 

Francis P. Blair, Jr., care of ." They thought 

Colonel Blair's name would secure the property from 
seizure. The person in whose care the revolvers were 
sent was a noted Secessionist, who dealt extensively 
in fire-arms. 

Colonel Blair learned of the shipment, and met the 
box at the station. Fifty revolvers of the finest qual- 
ity, bought and paid for by the Secessionists, were 
distributed among the friends of Colonel Blaii*, and 
were highly prized by the recipients. 



FEELING ON THE BOEDER. 27 

CHAPTER II. 

MISSOUEI IN THE EARLY DATS. 

Apathy of the Border States. — The Missouri State Convention. — Sterling 
Price a Union Man. — Plan to take the State out of the Union. — Cap- 
ture of Camp Jackson. — Energy of General Lyon. — Union Men or- 
ganized. — An Unfortunate Collision. — The Price-Harney Truce. — 
The Panic among the Secessionists. — Their Hegira from St, Louis. — 
A Visit to the State Capital.— Under the Eebel Flag.— Searching for 
Contraband Articles. — An Introduction to Rebel Dignitaries.— ^Gov- 
ernor Jackson. — Sterling Price. — Jeff. Thompson. — Activity at Cairo. 
— Kentucky Neutrality. — The Rebels occupy Columbus. 

The Border States were not prompt to follow tlie 
example of tlie States on the Gulf and South Atlantic 
coast. Missouri and Kentucky were loyal, if the voice 
of the majority is to be considered the voice of the pop- 
ulation. Many of the wealthier inhabitants were, at the 
outset, as they have always been, in favor of the estab- 
lishment of an independent Southern Government. Few 
of them desired an appeal to arms, as they weU knew 
the Border States would form the front of the Confed- 
eracy, and thus become the battle-field of the Rebellion. 
The greater part of the population of those States was 
radically opposed to the secession movement, but be- 
came powerless under the noisy, political leaders who 
assumed the control. Many of these men, who were 
Unionists in the beginning, were drawn into the Rebel 
ranks on the plea that it would be treason to refuse to 
do what their State Government had decided upon. 



28 THE MISSOUEI CONVENTION. 

The delegates to the Missouri State Convention were 
elected in Fehruary, 1861, and assembled at St. Louis 
in the following April. Sterling Price, afterward a 
Rebel general, was president of this Convention, and 
spoke in favor of keeping the State in the Union. The 
Convention thought it Injudicious for Missouri to secede, 
at least at that time, and therefore she was not taken 
out. This discomfited the prime movers of the seces- 
sion schemes, as they had counted upon the Convention 
doing the desired work. • In the language of one of their 
own number, "they had called a Convention to take 
the State out of the Union, and she must be taken out 
at all hazards." Therefore a new line of policy was 
adopted. 

The Governor of Missouri was one of the most active 
and unscrupulous Secessionists. After the failure of the 
Convention to unite Missouri with the Confederacy, 
Governor Jackson overhauled the militia laws, and, 
under their sanction, issued a call for a muster of militia 
n6ar St. Louis. This militia assembled at Lindell Grove, 
in the suburbs of St. Louis, and a military camp was es- 
tablished, under the name of "Camp Jackson." Though 
ostensibly an innocent affair, this camp was intended to 
be the nucleus of the army to hoist the Rebel flag in the 
State. The officers in command were known Secession- 
ists, and every thing about the place was indicative of 
its character. 

The Governor of Louisiana sent, from the arsenal at 
Baton Rouge, a quantity of guns and munitions of war, 
to be used by the insurgent forces in Missouri. These 



ENERGY OF CAPTAIN LYON. 29 

t 

readied St. Louis without liinderance, and "were promptly 
conveyed to the emlbryonic Rebel camp. Captain Lyon, ' 
in command of the St. Louis Arsenal, was informed that 
he must confine his men to the limits of the United 
States property, under jDenalty of the arrest of all who 
stepped outside. Governor Jackson several times vis- 
ited the grounds overlooking the arsenal, and selected 
spots for planting his guns. Every thing was in prepar- 
ation for active hostility. 

The Union people were "by no means idle. Captain 
Lyon had foreseen the danger menacing the public 
property in the arsenal, and besought the Government 
for permission to remove it. Twenty thousand stand of 
arms were, in a single night, loaded upon a steamer and 
sent to Alton, Illinois. They were conveyed thence by 
rail to the Illinois State Arsenal at Springfield. Au- 
thority was obtained for the for&ation of volunteer regi- 
ments, and they were rapidly mustered into the service. 

While Camp Jackson was being formed, the Union 
men of St.' Louis were arming and drilling W"ith such 
secrecy that the Secessionists were not generally aware 
of their movements. Before the close of the day Cap- 
tain Lyon received permission for mustering volunteers ; 
he placed more than six hundred men into the ser- 
vice. Regiments were organized under the name of 
"Home Guards," and by the 9th of May there were six 
thousand armed Union men in St. Louis, who were 
sworn to uphold the national honor. 

Colonel l^rancis P. Blair, Jr., commanded the First 
Regiment of Missouri Volunteers, and stood faithfully 



30 LOYALTY ON THE BORDER. 

by Captain Lyon in all those early and dangerous days. 
The larger portion of the forces then available in St. 
Louis was made up of the German element, which was 
always thoroughly loyal. This fact caused the Missouri 
Secessionists to feel great indignation toward the Ger- 
mans. They always declared they would have seized 
St. Louis and held possession of the larger portion 
of the State, had it not been for the earnest loyalty of 
"the Dutch." 

In the interior of Missouri the Secessionists were gen- 
erally in the ascendant. It was the misfortune of the 
time that the Unionists were usually passive, while 
their enemies were active. In certain counties where 
the Unionists were four times the number of the Seces- 
sionists, it was often the case that the latter were the 
ruling party. The Union people were quiet and law- 
abiding; the Secessionists active and unscrupulous. 
"Peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must," was the 
motto of the enemies of the Rejpublic. 

In some localities the Union men asserted themselves, 
but they did not generally do so until after the first 
blows were struck at St. Louis. When they did come^ 
out in earnest, the loyal element in Missouri became fully 
apparent. 

To assure the friends of the Union, and save Missouri 
from the domination of the insurgents, it was necessary 
for Captain Lyon to assume the offensive. This was 
done on the 10th of May, resulting in the famous capture 
of "Camp Jackson." 

On the night of the 9th, loyal parties in St. Louis 



CAMP JACKSOK 31 

supplied a sufficient number of horses to move tlie light 
artillery necessary to accomplish the desired object. 
On the morning of the 10th, Captain Lyon's command 
moved from various points, so as to surround the Rebel 
camp at three o'clock in the afternoon. At that hour 
General Frost, the Rebel commander, was surprised at 
the appearance of "an overpowering force on the hills 
surrounding his position. A demand for surrender gave 
half an hour for deliberation. At the end of that time 
General Frost concluded to capitulate. The prisoners, 
less than a thousand in number, were marched to the 
arsenal and safely secured. 

This achievement destroyed Camp Jackson, and es- 
tablished the United States authority in full force over 
St. Louis. An unfortunate collision occurred between 
the soldiers and the crowd outside. Provoked by in- 
sults terminating in an assault with fire-arms, a portion 
of the German troops fired upon the multitude. Upward 
of thirty persons were killed or wounded in the aflair. 
With the exception of this unhappy collision, the cap- 
ture was bloodless. 

General Harney arrived at St. Louis soon after this 
event, and assumed command in Missouri. The agree- 
ment known as "the Price-Harney truce" was imme- 
diately made. Under an assurance from Governor Jack- 
son that the State troops should be disbanded. General 
Harney promised that no hostilities should be under- 
taken, and attempted to cause the dispersal of the Union 
volunteers. The status of the latter had been so fixed 
that General Harney was not empowered to disarm 



32 A NEEDLESS AlAEM. 

them, and lie so informed the State authorities. His 
message announcing this read nearly as follows : — 

" I have ascertained that I have no control over the Home Guards. 

"W. S. Haenet, Brig. -Gen?'' 

This message was received at the Police Head-Quar- 
ters in St. Louis, on the morning of "Sunday, May 15th. 
It was misunderstood hy the parties who read it. They 
inferred, from the tenor of the dispatch, that General 
Harney was unahle to restrain the Union volunteers. 

The most frightful stories had l)een circulated con- 
cerning the blood-thirsty character of these soldiers, 
particularly the German portion. Visions of murder, 
pillage, house-hurning, and all the accompanying out- 
rages committed by an unrestiliined army, flitted through 
the minds of the Secessionists. The story spread, and 
gained intensity with each repetition. "The Dutch are 
rising; we shall all be slain in cold blood!" was the 
cry, echoed from house to house. N'ot less than five 
thousand people fled from the city on that day, and as 
many more within the succeeding twenty-four hours. 
Carriages, wagons, drays, every thing that could trans- 
port persons or valuables, commanded exorbitant prices. 
Steamboats were chartered as ferries to the Illinois shore 
or to go to points of safety, either up or down the river. 
Many persons abandoned their houses, taking with them 
only a few articles of value or necessity, while others 
carried away nothing, in their haste to escape. 

In a few days the excitement subsided and nearly all 
the refugees returned, but there are some who have 



SECESSIONISTS AT WORK. 33 

never "been iu St. Louis since their remarkable hegira. 
In their determination to obtain their "rights," they en- 
tered the Rebel army and followed its checkered for- 
tunes. Less than half of these persons are now alive. 

For a time after the appearance of (leneral Harney' s 
proclamation, there were no hostile demonstrations on 
either side. Governor Jackson had promised to dis- 
band the small fo^^ce of militia at Jefferson City, but he 
failed to do so. The Rebel flag was flying in Jefferson 
City, from a staff in front of the Governor's mansion, 
and over the head -quarters of the Missouri State Guard. 
ISIissouri, through her State officers, was in favor of an 
armed neutrality, which really meant nothing less than 
armed secession. 

The Secessionists were quietly but earnestly at work 
to effect their object. They did not heed their promise 
to remain inactive. The Union authorities observed 
theirs to the letter. The Camp Jackson prisoners were 
paroled and restored to liberty. A portion of them ob- 
served the parole, but many did not. General Frost 
remained on his farm and took no part in the Rebellion 
until relieved from his parole, several months later. It 
is proper to add, that he was of very little account to 
the Rebels when he finally entered the field. 

While watching the progress of affairs in St. Louis, I 
determined upon a visit to Jefferson City. Though the 
Rebel flag was flying over the State Capitol, and the nu- 
cleus of the Missouri State Guard (Rebel) had its camp 
in the suburbs, the communication by railroad had not 
been interrupted. Taking the morning train from St. 



34 GOING TO JEFFERSON CITY. 

Louis, on the 27tli of May, I found myself, at three 
o'clock of the afternoon, under the secession l)anner. 
'' The searching of the train for articles contraoand of war 
was then a new feature. 

In the early days only the outside of a package was 
examined. If the "marks" indicated nothing suspi- 
cious, the goods were allowed to pass. Under this reg- 
ulation, a large number of boxes marked "soap" were 
shipped on a steamboat for Lexington. So much soap 
going into Missouri was decidedly suspicious, as the 
people of the interior do not make extensive use of the 
article. An examination disclosed canisters of powder 
instead of bars of soap. The discovery was followed by 
the 23romulgation of an order requiring a rigid examina- 
tion of all i^ackages tliat might be of doubtful character. 
This order, with various modifications, was kept in force 
for a long time. -^ 

In starting from St. Louis, I left a company of Union 
volunteers at the railway station. At Jefierson City I 
found the depot filled with the Rebel soldiers, or "neu- 
trals," as Governor Jackson persisted in calling them. 
The particular duty they were performing I was unable 
to ascertain, but they bore unmistakable signs of 
being something more than a "neutral" body of men. 
Their camp was just in rear of the city. The Eebel flag, 
which floated above the camp, was recognized as the 
emblem of their neutrality. 

The proprietor of the hotel where I stopped held, the 
reputation of an earnest friend of the Union, ready to 
sutler any thing rather than sink his principles. He in- 



THE REBEL LEADERS. 35 

troduced me to several citizens, most of tliem, like him- 
self, thorouglily loyal. We discussed freely the condi- 
tion of affairs in Missouri. 

It was evident the State authorities intended war, ag 
soon as the necessary preparations could be made. 
They were not quite ready to strike their first hlow, 
but when they should be prepared, they would not 
hesitate a moment. Governor Jackson was exerting 
himself to the utmost to accumulate arms and military 
stores at various points in the State, where they would 
be of most value. In defiance of the truce between 
Grenerals Price and Harney, companies were being 
formed thoughout the State, and were drilling for 
service in the field. Time was of great importance to 
the Rebels, and this they had secured by means of the 
truce. 

During my stay at Jefferson City, I met the three 
men most prominent in brmging war upon Missouri. 
These were Governor Jackson, General Sterling Price, 
and Jeff. Thompson. Governor Jackson was elected in 
the previous December, before it was thought any 
serious trouble would grow out of Mr. Lincoln's elec- 
tion. He was not looked upon as a man of great ability, 
but no one doubted his desire to promote the best in- 
terests of the State. Those who knew him said his 
strength lay more in a public than in a private direc- 
tion. He had few, if any, personal friends, and was 
considered dangerous when his passions were roused. 
Some said he was cold and treacherous, giving all 
around him a feeling of aversion. Even among the 



36 THEIR PERSONNEL. 

Secessionists, and those wlio should have "been his 
ardent supporters, he was never mentioned with enthu- 
siasm. 

Within two weeks from the day I saw him. Governor 
Jackson, Iby his own act, was a fugitive from the State 
capitah He never returned. After wandering in Ar- 
kansas and Louisiana, during the early part of the war, 
he died at Little Rock, in 1863, in a condition of extreme 
poverty. 

Of General Price, I heard many praises, even from 
those who opposed his course. He was said to be a 
man of warm friendship, of fair abilities, and quite pop- 
ular among the masses of the inhabitants. He possessed 
much personal pride, and his ambition for public honor 
was very great. At the outset he deprecated secession, 
and prophesied a devastating war as the result. He 
was inclined to be loyal, but his ambition was greater 
than his patriotism. The offer of a high position in the 
Rebel service touched his weakest point, and carried 
him with the insurgents. 

In the Rebel service he never obtained much distinc- 
tion. His principal successes were in saving his army 
after defeat. He displayed a capacity for annoying the 
Union armies "without doing great damage. Though his 
oft-repeated promise of victory was never fulfilled, it 
served to keep many Missourians in the Rebel ranks. 
He was constantly expected to capture St. Louis. Some 
of the Rebel residents fully believed he would do so, 
and kept their wine-cellars ready for the event. Until 
the official announcement of the surrender of all forces 



KENTUCKY NEUTRALITY. 37 

■west of the Mississippi, tliey did not abandon hope. 
Greneral Price had given his promise, and, as they 
argued, was sure to keep it. 

Of Jeff. Thompson little can be said. Previous to 
that time he had been known as the mayor of St.- 
Joseph, and a politician of some little importance in 
Northwest Missouri. He was famous for much gascon- 
ading, and a fondness for whisky and other material 
things. I could never learn that he commanded much 
respect. During the war the Rebels never trusted him 
with any command of importance. He made a very fair 
guerrilla, and, in 1861, gave our forces at Cairo and Bird's 
Point considerable annoyance. History is not likely to 
give hun a very |)i'ominent place in the roll of distin- 
guished military heroes. 

At this time Cairo was the most southerly point on 
the Mississippi in possession of the National forces. We 
could have occupied Columbus or Hickman, Kentucky, 
had not the sacredness of the soil prevented. Kentucky 
was neutral, and declared that neither party must set 
foot within her limits. Her declaration of neutrality was 
much like that issued by the Grovernor of Missouri. The 
United States forces were under great restrictions, while 
the Rebels could do pretty much as they pleased. Gen- 
eral Prentiss sent a small expedition down the Missis- 
sippi, some sixty miles below Cairo. The Kentuckians 
were greatly enraged because our forces landed at Hick- 
man and tore down a Rebel flag which the citizens had 
hoisted. It was an invasion of their soil, for which 
they demanded apology. A few weeks later the Rebels 



38 COLUMBUS AS A STRONGHOLD. 

occupied both Hickman and Columbus, without any 
objection on tlie part of the neutrals. 

Columbus was made yeiy strong by the Rebel en- 
gineers, and supplied with many heavy guns for its pro- 
tection. At the same time, General Prentiss pushed for- 
ward the defenses of Cairo, in readiness for any attack 
by the Rebel gun-boats. For more than half a year 
Columbus was the northern limit of the Rebel domina- 
tion of the Great River. On assuming command there, 
General Polk announced that Columbus was the throat 
of the Mississippi, and must be held at all hazards. The 
Rebels repeatedly urged the capture of Cairo, but it was 
never attempted. 



GENERAL HAENEY RELIEVED. 39 



CHAPTER III. 

THE BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES. 

General Harney Relieved. — Price's Proclamation. — End of the Truce. — 
Conference between the Union and Rebel Leaders. — The First Act of 
Hostility. — Destruction of Railway Bi-idges. — Promptness of General 
Lyon. — Capture of the State Capital. — Moving on the Enemy's 
Works. — The Night before Battle. — A Correspondent's Sensation. 

On the first of June an order was received from 
Washington, relieving General Harney from command 
in Missouri. Captain Lyon had been promoted to the 
rank of a brigadier-general of volunteers, and was as- 
signed to duty in General Harney' s stead. On the 5th 
of June, General Price issued a proclamation, calling for 
the State Guard to be in readiness to defend Missouri 
against all enemies. The appearance of this proclama- 
tion was not altogether unexpected. It was far more 
satisfactory to the friends of the Union than to the Seces- 
sionists, as it showed the hostile position of Governor 
Jackson and his abettors, and gave an opportunity for 
proceeding actively against them. It demonstrated very 
clearly that the Secessionists were determined to make 
theu' actions correspond to their words. 

It was ascertained that, a few days before the publi- 
cation of Price's proclamation. Governor Jackson was 
in consultation with an agent of the Rebel Government, 
who promised twenty-five thousand men, and arms and 



40 PRICE AND LYON IN CONFERENCE. 

ammunition for fifty tliousand more, if the State were 
fairly and unequivocally out of the Union. He had also 
conferred with an agent from the Indian ISTation, with a 
view to putting several thousand Indians into the field 
on the side of the Ilel)els. General Lyon wanted an 
"overt act" on the part of the Relbels, before commenc- 
ing actual hostilities. Price' s proclamation was the thing 
desired. 

The troops in and around St. Louis were drilled as 
thoroughly as possible. Every day added to their ef- 
fectiveness. "Recruiting was pushed, trade with the 
interior was suspended, and boats passing down the 
river were made subject to stoppage and search' at the 
arsenal. " Every thing was assuming a warlike appear- 
ance. The Government was very tardy in supplying 
General Lyon's wants. In many cases it did not author- 
ize him to do what was needed. Much of the money for 
outfitting the troops for the field was voluntarily con- 
tributed in the Eastern cities, or by patriotic men in St. 
Louis. In several things. General Lyon acted upon his 
own responsibility, under the advice and co-operation 
of Colonel Blair. 

On the 9th of June, Governor Jackson and General 
Price asked General Lyon to give them a safeguard to 
visit St. Louis. They wished to confer with General 
Lyon and Colonel Blair, upon the best means of bringing 
peace to the State and making an end of hostilities. The 
safeguard was granted, and, on the 11th of June, Jack- 
son and Price reached St. Louis, and signified theu* 
readiness for the proj)osed conference. The meeting 



BRIDGES DESTEOYED. 41 

took place at tlie Planters' House, Governor Jackson 
declining to trust himself inside tlie walls of the arsenal, 
■vvkere General Lyon had invited him to Ibe his guest. 
The interview began with many professions of good- 
will on the part of Governor Jackson, and the assurance 
of his earnest desire for peace. He promised to disband 
the State troops, if General Lyon would first remove all 
United States troops from the limits of Missouri, and 
agree not to bring them back under any consideration. 
Of course, this proposition could not be entertained. A 
conversation then took place between General Lyon and 
General Price, but all to no j)urpose. Price and Jack- 
son would do nothing, unless the United States troops 
were first sent out of Missouri. Lyon and Blair would 
not consent to any thing of the kind, and so the confer- 
ence ended. 

Jackson and Price left St. Louis on a special train for 
Jefferson City, on the afternoon of the 11th. On the 
way up the road, they set fire to the bridges over the 
Gasconade and Osage Rivers, the former thirty-five miles * 
from Jefferson City, and ninety from St. Louis, and the 
latter within nine miles of Jefferson City. If the con- 
duct of these men had been neutral up to that time, this 
act made an end of their neutrality. 

General Lyon left the conference fully satisfied there 
was no longer any reason for hesitation. The course he 
should pursue was plain before him. 

Early in the forenoon of the 12th, he learned of the 
destruction of the bridges over the Gasconade and Osage 
Rivers. He Immediately ordered a force to proceed up 



42 EN ROUTE FROM ST. LOUIS. 

tlie road, and protect as miicli of it as possible from fur- 
ther damage. Within four hours of the reception of the 
order to move, the troops were on their way. On the 
next day, three steamers, with about two thousand men, 
left St. Louis for Jefferson City. General Lyon knew 
the importance of time, and was determined to give 
Governor Jackson very little opportunity for prepara- 
tion. 

My first experience of a military campaign was on 
the exjDedition up the Missouri. I had seen something 
of Indian troubles on the Plains, in which white men 
were concerned, but I had never witnessed civilized 
warfare where white men fought against white men. A 
residence of several weeks in St. Louis had somewhat 
familiarized me with the appearance of troops at the 
arsenal and at the various camps in the city, but the 
preparations to take the field were full of novelty. 

I was on the boat which carried the First Missouri 
Infantry, and which General Lyon had selected for his 
head-quarters. The young ofiicers were full of enthu- 
siasm, and eagerly anticipating their first encounter 
with the Rebel battalions. Colonel Blair was less de- 
monstrative than the officers of his regiment, but was 
evidently much elated at the prospect of doing some- 
thing -aggressive. General Lyon was in the cabin, 
quiet, reserved, and thoughtful. With Colonel Blair 
he conversed long and freely. Few others approached 
him. Outside the cabin the soldiers were ardently dis- 
cussing the coming campaign, and wishing an early op- 
portunity for winning glory in battle. 



JUNCTIOi^ OF THE GEE AT RIVERS. 43 

To one wlio travels for the first time Iby steamlboat 
from St. Louis in a northerly direction, a curious pic- 
ture is presented. The water in the Mississippi alDove 
the mouth of the Missouri is quite clear and transparent. 
That from the Missouri is of a dirty yellow color, de- 
rived from the large cLuantity of earthy matter which it 
holds in solution. For several miles Ibelow the junc- 
tion of the streams, the two currents remain separated, 
the line l^etween them being plainly perceptible. The 
pilots usually endeavor to keep on the dividing line, so 
that one can look from the opposite sides of a boat and 
imagine himseK sailing upon two rivers of different 
character at the same moment. 

Sometimes this distinctive line continues for fifteen 
or twenty miles, but usually less than ten. A soldier 
wittily remarked, that the water from the Upper Missis- 
sippi derived its transparency from the free States, from 
whence it came, while the Missouri, emerging from a 
slave State, was, consequently, of a repulsive hue. As 
Missouri is now a free State, the soldier' s remark is not 
applicable. 

Steaming up the Missouri toward the State capital, 
we found the sentiment along the banks of the river 
strongly in favor of the Union. Home Guard organiza- 
tions had been hastily formed, and were doing their 
best for the protection of the railway. Most of the vil- 
lages along the Lower Missouri contained a strong Ger- 
man element, which needs no question of its loyalty. 
The railway bridges were thoroughly guarded, and each 
town had a small garrison to suppress any rising of the 



44 ENTRY INTO JEFFERSON CITY. 

Secessionists. Tlie conduct of the peo^Dle in these vil- 
lages was quite different from the course of those re- 
siding above Jefferson City. Where the inhabitants 
possessed no slaves, there was outspoken loyalty. In 
the most populous slave districts it was the reverse. 
Slaveholders declared that their interest lay in seces- 
sion. There were a few exceptions, but they were very 
far in a minority. 

Our triumphal entry into Jefferson City was not 
marked by any noteworthy event. The Capitol was 
deserted. The Governor and most of the State officials 
had departed the previous day, in the direction of 
Booneville. We marched through the principal streets, 
and found many of the people delighted at our coming. 
We occupied the State House, and, of course, unfurled 
our flag from its cupola. A steamboat, seized at the 
landing, was pressed into our service for use further up 
the stream. An encounter with the Rebels was eagerly 
desired. 

We left a full regiment, a large force in those days, 
to retain possession of the place, and then pushed on in 
pursuit. The Rebels had disabled the railway, taking 
off nearly all the rolling stock and destroying a large 
bridge four miles west of the city. As the point where 
they had fled lay npon the river, we pursued them by 
water. At noon, on the 16th, General Lyon left Jeffer- 
son City for Booneville. Within twenty-four hours he 
fought his fii'st battle in Missouri. 

It is slow work to proceed with a steamboat where 
one's way must be felt. Though we had only fifty 



BEFORE BATTLE. 45 

miles to move, we advanced less tlian thirty before 
niglitfall. Touching at a landing on the left l)ank of 
the river, fifteen miles below Booneville, a scout from 
the enemy's camp came easily into our hands. From 
being a scout of the enemy he became our scout, as 
he revealed in his fright all we wished to know. The 
enemy, confident of an easy victory, was waiting our 
approach, and expressed the most lively intention of 
destroying us all in the twinkling of an eye. 

Experience had not then demonstrated that there 
is little difierence in the bravery of Americans, when 
well officered. Each side cherished the delusion that 
it had a monopoly of courage and endurance. One 
Southern man was thought equal to five N"orthern men 
in a fair contest, and if the former were given the 
advantage of a defensive position, any odds of num- 
bers would be taken. There was nearly, tliough not 
quite, as much boasting on the part of our own press 
and people. The first severe battles made an end of 
the greater part of this gasconading. 

It is said the most trying moment on shipboard is 
when the deck, previous to an engagement, is sprinkled 
with saw-dust to receive the blood yet unshed. N'o 
man can know whose -blood will be first to moisten 
that dust, or whose life will have passed away before 
the action is over. So on the eve of that first battle 
in Missouri, as I reclined in the cabin of our flag-boat, 
and saw the surgeons busy with their preparations for 
the commg day ; as I saw them bring to light all the 
dreadful implements of their trade, and arrange them 



46 BLOODY IXSTEUOTIOIs^S. 

in • readiness for sudden use — a coldness crept over 
me, and I fully realized we had earnest work before 
us. Since that time I have witnessed many a hattle, 
many a scene of preparation and of bloody work with 
knife and saw and bandage, but I have never expe- 
rienced a chiU like that I felt on that early day of the 
Rebellion. 

The war has made us familiar with horrors. That 
which once touched us to the heart is now passed over 
with scarce a moment' s thought. Our nerves have been 
hardened, our sensibilities blunted, our hearts steeled 
against suffering, in the terrible school through which 
we have passed. 






M^. 



^WiM^ 




THE BATTLE m PKOGEESS. 47 



CHAPTER ly. 

THE FIRST BATTLE IN MISSOURI. 

Moving up the River.— A Landing Effected. — The Battle. — Precipitous 
Eetreat of the Eebels. — Spoiling a Captured Camp. — Eebel Flags 
Emblazoned with the State Arms. — A Journalist's Outfit. — A Chap- 
lain of the Church Militant. — A Mistake that might have been Un- 
fortunate. — The People of Booneville. — Visiting an OflBcial. — Bank- 
ing-House Loyalty. — Preparations for a Campaign. 

Daybreak on the 17th found ns slowly moving up 
tlie river toward Booneville, General Lyon sat forward 
of the steamer' s cabin, closely scanning both banks of 
the stream. Four miles below the town his glass sought 
out two pieces of artillery, partially concealed in a 
clump of trees, and trained upon the channel by which 
we were to pass. At once our engines were reversed, 
and the boats moved back to a landing about eight 
miles below Booneville. A little before seven o'clock 
we were on shore, and our column of fifteen hundred 
men began its advance upon the Rebel camp. 

It was the story that has found its repetition in many 
a battle since that time. The enemy's pickets were 
driven in. The enemy, in line of battle, was discovered 
on a long ridge, and our own line was formed on a 
ridge parallel to it. Then we opened fire with our artil- 
lery (one battery was all we possessed), and received 
no response, save by a desultory discharge of small-. 



48 A CAMP m CONFUSION. 

arms. ' Next our infantry added its tenor notes to the 
"bass of the tield-guns ; the Rebel forces melted steadily 
away, and the field was in our possession, twenty min- 
utes after the opening shot had been fired. 

Once in retreat, the Rebels did not halt until out of 
harm's reach.. Their camp lay in the line of retreat, 
but they made no stop in passing it. Following in the 
rear of our column, I entered the camp, and found 
many signs of a hasty departure. I found the fires 
burning, and dozens of cofiee-pots and frying-pans 
filled with the materials for breakfast. Here was a pan 
full of meat fried to a crisp, from the neglect of the cook 
to remove it before his sudden exodus. A few feet 
distant lay a ham, with a knife sticking in a half- severed 
slice. A rude camp-table was spread with plates and 
their accessories, and a portion of the articles of food 
were carefully arranged. The seats for the breakfast 
party were in position, two of them being overturned. 
I could not help fancying the haste with which that 
table had been abandoned, only a few moments before. 
The tents were standing, and in some the blankets were 
lying on the ground, as if they had been very suddenly 
vacated. In one tent was a side-saddle, a neat pair of 
gaiters, and a hoop-skirt. The proper connection of 
those articles "^vitli the battle-field I was unable to ascer- 
tain. 

In that camp was a fine lot of provisions, arms, 

equipments, and ammunition. Saddles were numerous, 

but there were no horses. It was evident that the hasty 

•evacuation left no time for the simple process of sad- 



THE SPOILS OF WAR. 49 

dling. Early in tlie day I had come into possession of a 
liorse with a very poor outfit. Once in camp, I was not 
slow to avail myself of the privilege of supply. I went 
into battle on foot, carrying only a knapsack contain- 
ing a note-book and two pieces of bread. When the 
light was over, I was the possessor of a horse and all the 
equipments for a campaign. I had an overcoat, a roll 
of fine blankets, and a pair of saddle-bags. The latter 
were well filled from the trunk of some one I had not the 
pleasure of knowing, but who was evidently "just my 
size." Mr. Barnes, of the Missouri Democrat, was my 
companion on that occasion. He was equally careful to 
provide himself from the enemy's stores, but wasted 
time in becoming sentimental over two love-letters and 
a photograph of a young woman. 

The flags captured in this affair were excellent illus- 
trations of the policy of the leading Secessionists. There 
was one Eebel flag with the arms of the State .of Mis- 
souri fiUing the field. There was a State flag, with only 
fifteen stars surrounding the coat of arms. There was a 
Rebel flag, with the State arms in the center, and there 
was one Eebel flag of the regular pattern. • The rally- 
ing-cry at that time was in behalf of the State, and the 
people were told they must act for Missouri, without 
regard to any thing else. In no part of the country was 
the "State Rights" theory more freely used. All the 
changes were rung upon the sovereignty of States, the 
right of Missouri to exclude United States soldiers from 
her soil, the iUegality of the formation of Union regi- 
ments, and the tyranny of the General Government. 



50 OF THE CHUECH MILITANT. 

The Hags under whicli Missouri soldiers were gathered 
clearly blended tlie interests of tlie State with secession. 

Our troops entered Booneville amid demonstrations 
of delight from one portion of the inhabitants, and the 
frowns and muttered indignation of the other. The 
Rebels had fled, a part of them by land, and the bal- 
ance on a steamboat, toward Lexington. Quiet posses- 
sion obtained, there was time to examine into the details 
of the fight. We had lost twelve men, the enemy prob- 
ably twice as many. The action, three years later, would 
have been considered only a road-side skirmish, but* it 
Vv'^as then an affair of importance. Every man with 
General Lyon felt far more elation over the result than 
has since been felt over battles of much greater mo- 
ment. We had won a signal victory ; the enemy had 
suffered an equally signal defeat. 

During the battle, a chaplain, provided with four 
men to look after the wounded, came suddenly upon a 
group of twenty-four Rebels. An imperative demand 
for their surrender was promptly complied with, and 
the chaplain, with his force of four, brought twenty-four 
prisoners into. town. He was so delighted at his suc- 
cess that he subsequently took a commission in the line. 
Li time he was honored with the stars of a brigadier- 
general. 

General Lyon was my personal friend, but he very 
nearly did me great injustice. Seeing myself and a 
fellow-journalist on a distant part of the field, he mis- 
took us for scouts of the enemy, and ordered his sharp- 
shooters to pick us off. His cliief-of-staff looked in our 



POISO^TED WELLS. 51 

direction, and fortunately recognized us in time to coun- 
termand the order. I was afterward on the point of 
being shot at by an infantry captain, through, a simUar 
mistake. A civilian's dress on the battle-field (a gray 
coat formed a part of mine) subjects the wearer to many 
dangers from his friends, as most war correspondents 
can testify. • 

^ While approaching the town, I stopped to slake my 
thirst at a well. A group of our soldiers joined me 
while I was drinking. I had drank very freely from 
the bucket, and transferred it to a soldier, when the 
resident of a neighboring house appeared, and informed 
us that the well had been poisoned by the Rebels, and 
the water was certain to produce death. The soldiers 
desisted, and looked at me with much pity. For a mo- 
ment, I confess, the situation did not appear cheerful, 
but I concluded the injury, if any, was already done,' 
and I must make the best of it. The soldiers watched 
me as I mounted my horse, evidently expecting me to 
fall within a hundred yards. When I met one of them 
the following day, he opened his eyes in astonishment at 
seeing me alive. From that day, I enterkiined a great 
contempt for poisoned wells. 

In Booneville the incidents were not of a startling 
character. I found the strongest secession sympathy 
was entertained by the wealthier inhabitants, while the 
poor were generally loyal. Some cases of determined 
loyalty I found among the wealthy ; but they were the 
exception rather than the rule. Accompanied by a, 
small squad of soldiers, myself and companion visited 



52 "A GOOD UNIOIT MAN." 

tlie liouse of a gentleman holding office under tlie 
United States Government. We obtained from that 
house several Rebel cockades and small fla^s, which 
had been fabricated by the ladies. 

With the same squad we visited the principal bank 
of Booneville, and persuaded the cashier to give us a 
Rebel flag which had been floatmg for several days 
from a staff in front of the building. This flag was ten 
yards in length, and the materials of which it was made 
were of the finest quality. The interview between the 
cashier and ourselves was an amusing one. He protest- 
ed he knew nothing of the flag or its origin, and at first 
declared it was not about the building. According to 
his own representation, he was too good a Union man to 
harbor any thing of the sort. Just as he was in the 
midst of a very earnest profession of loyalty the flag 
was discovered. 

" Somebody must have put that there to ruin me," 
was his exclamation. "Gentlemen, I hope you won't 
harm me ; and, if you want me to do so, I will take the 
oath of allegiance this minute. " 

Soon after* the occuj)ation of Booneville, General 
Lyon sent a small expedition to Syracuse, twenty-five 
miles in the interior. This force returned in a few 
days, and then prex^arations were begun for a march to 
Springfield. Colonel Blair left Booneville for St. Louis 
and Washington, while General Lyon attended to the 
preliminaries for his contemplated movement. The First 
Iowa Infantry joined him, and formed a part of his ex- 
peditionary force. The Rebels gathered at Lexington, 



SOUTHWESTERN MOVEMENTS. 53 

and tlience moved soutliward to reacli the Arkansas 
line, to form a junction with the tlien famous Ben Mc- 
CuUoch. 

The prospect was good that Central Missouri would 
soon be clear of Rebels. Our general success in the 
State depended upon occupying and holding the South- 
west. General Lyon was to move thither from Boone- 
ville. General Sweeney had already gone there by way 
of Rolla, while another force, under Major Sturgis, was 
moving from Leavenworth in a southeasterly direction. 
All were to unite at Springfield and form an arniy of oc- 
cupation. 

Preparations went on slowly, as the transportation 
was to be gathered from the surrounding country. 
Foreseeing that the expedition would be slow to reach 
Springfield, I returned to St. Louis. There I made 
preparations to join the army, when its march should 
be completed, by a more expeditious route than the one 
General Lyon would follow. 

At Booneville, General Lyon established a temporary 
blockade of the Missouri River, by stopping all boats 
moving in either direction^ In most cases a single shot 
across the bow of a boat sufficed to bring it to land. 
One day the White Cloud, on her way from Kansas City 
to St. Louis, refused to halt until three shots had been 
fired, the last one grazing the top of the pilot-house. 
When brought before General Lyon, the captain of the 
White Cloud apologized for neglecting to obey the first 
signal, and said his neglect was due to his utter igno 
ranee of military usage. 



54 MAETIAL LAW. 

The apology was deemed sufficient. The cax^taiu 
was dismissed, with a gentle admonition not to make a 
similar mistake in future. 

At that time the pul^lic was slow to understand the 
power and extent of military law and military rule. 
When martial law was declared in St. Louis, in August, 
1861, a citizen waited upon the provost-marshal, in order 
to ascertain the precise state of affairs. 

■ After some desultory conversation, he threw out the 
question : — 

" What does martial law do ?" 

"Well," said Major McKinstry, the provost-marshal, 
"I can explain the whole thing in a second. Martial 
law does pretty much as it d — n pleases." 

Before the year was ended the inhabitants of St. 
Louis learned that the major's assertion was not far 
from the truth. 



COLLISIONS BETWEEN SOLDIERS AND CITIZENS. OO 



CHAPTER Y. 

TO SPRINGFIELD AND BEYOND. 

Conduct of the St. Louis Secessionists. — Collisions between Soldiers and 
Citizens. — Indignation of the Guests of a Hotel. — From St. Louis to 
RoUa. — Opinions of a "Regular." — Railway -life in Missouri.— Un- 
profitable Freight. — A Story of Orthography.— Mountains and Mount- 
ain Streams. — Fastidiousness Checked. — Frontier Courtesy. — Con- 
centration of Troops at Springfield. — A Perplexing Situation. — The 
March to Dug Spring. — Sufferings from Heat and Thirst. 

The success of tlie Uuion arms at Booneville did 
not silence tlie Secessionists in St. Lonis. They con- 
tinued to hold meetings, and arrange plans for assisting 
their friends in the field. At many places, one could 
hear expressions of indignation at the restrictions which 
the proper authorities sought to put upon the secession 
movement. Union flags were torn from the front of pri- 
vate buildings — generally in the night or early morning. 
Twice, when Union troops were marching along the 
streets, they were fired upon by citizens. A collision of 
this kind had occurred at the corner of Fifth and Walnut 
streets, on the day after the capture of Camp Jackson. 
The soldiers returned the fire, and killed several per- 
sons ; but this did not deter the Secessionists from re- 
peating the experiment. In the affairs that took place 
after the battle of Booneville, the result was the same. 
Unfortunately, in each collision, a portion of those killed 
were innocent on-lookers. After a few occurrences of 



56 OFF FOE SPRmGFIELD. 

tliis kind, soldiers were allowed to marcli througli tlie 
streets without molestation. 

About tlie first of July, there were rumors that an 
insurrection would be attempted on the ISTational holi- 
day. Ample provision was made to give the insurgents 
a warm reception. Consequently, they made no trouble. 
The printer of the bills of fare at a prominent hotel 
noticed the Fourth of July by ornamenting his work 
with a National flag, in colors. This roused the indig- 
nation of a half-dozen guests, whose sympathies lay 
with the Rebellion. They threatened to leave, but were 
so far in arrears that they could not settle their accounts. 
The hotel-keeper endeavored to soothe them by promis- 
ing to give his printing, for the future, to another house. 
Several loyal guests were roused at this offer, and threat- 
ened to secede at once if it were carried out. The affair 
resulted in nothing but words. ' 

On the morning of the 11th of July I left St. Louis, 
to join General Lyon in tlie Southwest. It was a day's 
ride by rail to Rolla, the terminus of the Southwest 
Branch of the Pacific road. I well recollect the strange 
and motley group that filled the cars on that journey. 
There were a few ofiicers and soldiers en route to join 
their comrades in the field. . Nearly all of them were 
fresh from civil life. They wore their uniforms uneasily, 
as a farmer's boy wears his Sunday suit. Those who 
carried sabers experienced much inconvenience when 
walking, on account of the propensity of those weapons 
to get between their legs. In citi:^en's dress, at my side, 
sat an officer of the old army, who looked upon these 



A "REGULAR" ON VOLUNTEERS. 57 

newly-made warriors Avitli mucli contem j)t, mingled with 
an admiration of their earnestness. After an outburst 
of mild invective, lie pronounced a well-merited tribute 
to their patriotism. 

"After all," said he, "they are as good as the mate- 
rikl the Rebels have for their army. In some respects, 
they are better. The I^^Torthern blood is cold ; the 
Southern is full of life and passion. In the first onset, 
our enemies will prove more impetuous than we, and 
will often overpower us. In the beginning of the strug- 
gle, they will prove our superiors, and may be able to 
boast of the first victories. But their physical energy 
will soon be exhausted, while ours will steadily increase. 
Patience, coolness, and determination will be sure to 
bring us the triumph in the end. These raw recruits, 
that are at present worthless before trained soldiers, dis- 
trusting themselves as we distrust them, will yet become 
veterans, worthy to rank -with the best soldiers of the 
Old "World." 

The civilian passengers on a railway in Missouri 
are essentially dififerent from the same class in the 
East. There are very few women, and the most of 
these are not as carefully dressed as their Oriental 
sisters. Their features lack the fineness that one ob- 
serves in ]^ew York and N"ew England. The "hog 
and hominy," the general diet of the Southwest, is 
plainly perceptible in the physique of the women. 
The male travelers, who are not indigenous to the 
soil^ are more roughly clothed and more careless in 
manner than the same order of j)assengers between 



58 PEIMITIVE OETHOGRAPHY. 

'New York and Boston. Of those wlio enter and leave 
at "way-stationSj tlie men are clad in tliat yellow, liome- 
spun material known as "butternut." The casual 
observer inclines to the opinion that there are no good 
bathing-places where these men reside. They are in- 
quisitive, ignorant, unkempt, but generally civil. The 
women are the reverse of attractive, and are usually 
uncivil and ignorant. The majority are addicted to 
smoking, and generally make use of a cob-pi]3e. Unless 
objection is made by some passenger, the conductors 
ordinarily allow the women to indulge in this pas- 
time. 

The region traversed by the railway is sparsely 
settled, the ground being generally unfavorable to 
agriculture. For some time after this portion of the 
road was opened, the natives refused to give it patron- 
age, many of them declaring that the old mode of 
travel, 'by horseback, was the best of all. During the 
first week after o]3ening the Southwest Branch, the 
company ran a daily freight train each way. All the 
freight offered in that time was a bear and a keg of 
honey. Both were placed in the same car. The bear 
ate the honey, and the company was compelled to 
pay for the damage. 

I have heard a story concerning the origin of the 
name of RoUa, which is interesting, though I cannot 
vouch for its truth. In selecting a name for the county 
seat of Phelps County, a ISTorth Carolinian residing 
there, suggested that it should do honor to the capital 
of his native State. The person who reduced the 



BEAUTIFUL STREAMS. 59 

request to writing, used the l»est ortliography tliat 
occurred to Mm, so that what should have been 
"Raleigh," Ibecame "RoUa." The request thus writ- 
ten was sent to the Legislature, and the name of the 
town "became fixed. The inhabitants generally pro- 
nounce it as if the intended spelling had been adopted. 

The journey from Rolla to Springfield was accom- 
plished by stage, and required two days of travel. 
For fifty miles the road led over mountains, to the 
banks of the Gasconade, one of the prettiest rivers 
I have ever seen. The mountain streams of South- 
west Missouri, having their springs in the limestone 
rock, possess a peculiarity unknown in the Eastern 
States. In a depth of two feet or less, the water is 
apparently as clear as that of the purest mountain 
brook in New England. But when the depth reaches, 
or exceeds, three feet, the water assumes a deep-blue 
tinge, like that of the sky in a clear day. Viewed 
from an elevation, the picture is one that cannot be 
.sj)eedily forgotten. The blue water makes a marked 
contrast with surrounding objects, as the streams wind 
through the forests and fields on their banks. Though 
meandering through mountains, these rivers have few 
sharp falls or roaring rapids. Their current is usually 
gentle, broken here and there into a ripple over a 
slightly descending shallow, but observing uniformity 
in all its windings. 

My first night from Rolla was passed on the banks 
of the Gasconade. Another day's ride, extended far 
into the second night, found me at Springfield. When 



60 HOTEL-LIFE ON THE BORDER. 

I readied my room at the hotel, and examined the 
bed, I found but one sheet where we usually look 
for two. Expostulations were of no avail. The- porter 
curtly informed me, "People here use only one sheet. 
Down in St. Louis you folks want two sheets, but 
in this part of the country we ain't so nice." 

I appreciated my fastidiousness when I afterward 
saw, at a Tennessee hotel, the following notice : — 

"Gentlemen who wish towels in their rooms must 
deposit fifty cents at the office, as security for theii* 
return." 

Travel in the Border and Southern States will ac- 
quaint a Northerner with strange customs. To find 
an entire household occupying a single large room 
is not an unfrequent occurrence. The rules of polite- 
ness require that, when bedtime has arrived, the men 
shall go out of doors to contemplate the stars, while 
the ladies disrobe and retire. The men then return 
and proceed to bed. Sometimes the ladies amuse them- 
selves by studying the fire while the men find their, 
way to their couches, where they gallantly turn their 
faces to the wall, and permit the ladies to don their 
robes de nuit. 

Notwithstanding the scarcity of accommodations, 
the traveler seeking a meal or resting-place will rarely 
meet a refusal. In New York or New England, one 
can journey many a mile and find a cold denial at every 
door. In the West and Southwest "the latch-string 
hangs out," and the stranger is always welcome. Espe- 
cially is tliis the case among the poorer classes. 



SPRINGriELD AND ITS SITUATIOK 61 

Sj)ringlield is the largest town in Soiitliwest Missouri, 
and lias a fine situation. Before the war it was a place 
of considerable importance, as it controlled the trade of 
a large region around it. East of it the country is quite 
broken, but on the south and west there are stretches 
of rolling prairie, bounded by rough wood-land. Con- 
sidered in a military light, Sjpi'i^Sfi^l^l '^^^ tl^® ^^J ^^ 
that portion of the State. A large number of public 
roads center at that point. Their direction is such that 
the possession of the town by either army would con- 
trol any near position of an adversary of equal or infe- 
rior strength. General Lyon was prompt in seeing its 
value, and determined to make an early movement for 
its occupation. When he started from St. Louis for 
Booneville, he ordered General Sweeney to march from 
Rolla to Springfield as speedily as possible. 

General Sweeney moved with three regiments of in- 
fantry and a battery of artillery, and reached Springfield 
in five days from the time of starting ; the distance be- 
ing a hundred and twenty miles. He then divided his 
forces, seiiding Colonel Sigel to Carthage, nearly fifty 
miles further toward the west, in the hope of cutting off 
the Rebel retreat in that direction. Major Sturgis was 
moving from Leavenworth toward Springfield, and ex- 
pected to arrive there in advance of General Lyon. 

Major Stufgis was delayed in crossing a river, so that 
the Rebels arrived at Carthage before Colonel Sigel had 
been reinforced. The latter, with about eleven hundred 
men, encountered the Rebel column, twice as large as 
his own. The battle raged for several hours, neither 



62 AFFAIRS IK THE SOUTHWEST. 

side losing very lieavily. It resulted iu Sigel' s retreat 
to avoid being surrounded by the enemy. Wonderful 
stories were told at that time of the terrific slaughter in 
the Rebel ranks, but these stories could never be traced 
to a reliable source. It is projier to say that the Rebels 
made equally large estimates of our own loss. 

On General Lyon's arrival all the troops were con- 
centrated in the vicinity of Springfield. It was known 
that the Rebels were encamped near the Arkansas bor- 
der, awaiting the re-enforcements which had been prom- 
ised from the older States of the Confederacy. General 
Fremont had been assigned to the command of the 
Western Department, and was daily expected at St. 
Louis to assume the direction of affairs. Our scouts 
were kept constantly employed in bringing us news 
from the Rebel camp, and it is quite probable the 
Rebels were equally well informed of our own condi- 
tion. We were able to learn that their number was on 
the increase, and that they would soon be largely re-en- 
forced. After three weeks of occupation our strength 
promised to be diminished. Half of General Lyon' s com- 
mand consisted of "three-months men," whose period 
of enlistment was drawing to a close. A portion of these 
men went to St. Louis, some volunteered to remain as 
long as the emergency required their i^resence, and 
others were kept against their wiU. Meantime, General 
Lyon made the most urgent requests for re-enforcements, 
and declared he would be compelled to abandon the 
Southwest if not speedily strengthened. General Fre- 
mont j)romised to send troops to his assistance. After 



THE TIGHT AT DUG SPRmG. 6S 

lie made tlie promise, Cairo was threatened Iby General 
Pillow, and tlie re-enforcing column turned in that direc* 
tion. General Lyon was left to take care of himself. 

By the latter part of July, our situation had l^ecome 
critical. Price' s army had been re-enforced by a col- 
umn of Arkansas and Louisiana troops, under General 
McCulloch. This gave the Rebels upward of twelve 
thousand men, while we could muster less than six 
thousand. General Price assumed the offensive, mov- 
ing slowly toward Sj)ringfield, as if sure of his ability to 
overpower the I^ational forces. General Lyon determ- 
ined to fall upon the enemy before he could reach 
Springfield, and moved on the 1st of August with that 
object in view. 

On the second day of our march a strong scouting 
party of Rebels was encountered, and a sharp skirmish 
ensued, in which they were repulsed. This encounter is 
known in the Southwest as "the fight at Dug Spring," 
The next day another skirmish occurred, and, on the 
third morning, twenty-five miles from Springfield, Gen- " 
eral Lyon called a council of war. " Councils of war do 
not fight" has grown into a j)roverb. The council on 
this occasion decided that we should return to Spring- 
field without attacking the enemy. The decision was 
immediately carried out. 

The beginning of August, in Southwest Missouri, is 
in the midst of the warm season. The day of the march 
to Dug Spring was one I shall never forget. In Kan- 
sas, before the war, I once had a walk of several miles 
under a burning sun, in a region where not a drop of 



64 A TEEPJBLE DAT. 

VTcitev could "be found. Wlien I finally readied it^ tlie 
hilly water to Ibe found was in a small, stagnant pool, 
covered with a green scum nearly an incb. in thickness. 
Wa;rm, brackish, and fever-laden as that water was, I 
had never before tasted any thing half so sweet. Again, 
while crossing the Great Plains in 1860, I underwent a 
severe and prolonged thirst, only quenching it with the 
bitter alkali- water of the desert. On neither of these 
occasions were my sufferings half as great as in the ad- 
vance to Dug Spring. 

A long ride in that hot atmosphere gave me a thirst 
of the most terrible character. Making a detour to the 
left of the road in a vain search for water, I fell behind 
the column as it marched slowly along. As I moved 
again to the front, I passed scores of men who had 
fallen from utter exhaustion. Many were delirious, and 
begged piteously for water in ever so small a quantit}^ 
Several died from excessive heat, and others were for a 
long time unfit for duty. Reaching the spring which 
gave its name to the locality, I was fortunate in finding 
only the advance of the command. With considerable 
effort I succeeded in obtaining a pint cupful of water, 
and thus allayed my immediate thirst. 

According to the custom in that region, the spring 
was covered with a frame building, about eight feet 
square. There are very few cellars in that part of the 
country, and the spring-house, as it is called, is used 
for preserving milk and other articles that require a low 
temperature. As the main portion of the column came 
up, the crowd around the spring-house became so dense 



SUTFEEmG FROM THIRST. 65 

that those once inside could not get out. The 'building 
was lifted and thrown away from the spring, hut this 
only served to increase the confusion. Officers found 
it impossible to maintain discipUne. When the men 
caught sight of the crowd at the spring, the lines were 
instantly broken. At the spring, officers and men were 
mingled without regard to rank, all struggling for the 
same object. A few of the former, who had been fortu- 
nate in commencing the day with full canteens, attempted 
to bring order out of chaos, but found the effort useless. 
1^0 command was heeded. The officers of the two regi- 
ments of "regulars" had justly boasted of the superior 
discipline of their men. On this occasion the superiority 
was not apparent. Volunteersand regulars were equally 
subject to thirst, and made equal endeavor to quench it. 
Twenty yards below the spring was a shallow pool,' 
where cattle and hogs were allowed to run. Directly 
above it was a trough containing a few gallons of warm 
water, which had evidently been there several days- 
This was speedily taken by the men. Then the hot, 
scum-covered pool was resorted to. In a very few min- 
utes the trampling of the soldiers' feet had stirred this 
. pool till its substance was more like earth than water 
Even from this the men would fill their cups and can- 
teens, and drink with the utmost eagerness. I saw a 
private soldier emerge from the. crowd with a canteen 
full of tliis worse than ditch-water. An officer tendered 
a five-dollar gold piece for the contents of the canteen, 
and found his offer indignantly refused. To such I 
frenzy were men driven by thirst that they tore up 



66 now WE PEOCUEED WATEE. 

handfuls of moist eartli, and swallowed the few drops 
of water that could Ibe pressed out. 

In subsequent campaigns I witnessed many scenes of 
hunger and thirst, Ibut none to equal those of that day at 
Dug Spring. 



KETURN" TO SPEINGFIELD. 67 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE BATTLE OF WILSON CREEK. 

The Eeturn from Dug Spring. — The Eehels follow in Pursuit. — Prepara- 
tions to Attack them. — The Plan of Battle. — Moving to the Attack — 
A Bivouac. — The Opening Shot. — "Is that Official?" — Sensa*"ions of a 
Spectator in Battle. — Extension of Distance and Time. — Characteris- 
tics of Projectiles. — Taking Notes under Fire. — Strength and Losses 
of the Opposing Armies. — A Nohle Record. — The Wounded on the 
Field. — " One More Shot." — Granger in his Element. — General Lyon's 
Death. 

The return of General Lyon from Dug Spring em- 
"boldened tlie enemy to move nearer to Springfield. On 
the 7th of August the Rebels reached Wilson Creek, ten 
miles from Springfield, and formed their camp on both 
sides of that stream. General Ben. McCulloch was their 
commander-in-chief. On the night of the 8th, General 
Lyon proposed to move from Springfield for the pur- 
pose of attacking their position. The design was not 
carried out, on account of the impossibility of securing 
proper disposition of our forces in season to reach the 
enemy' s camp at daylight. 

During the 8th and the forenoon of the 9th, prepara- 
tions were made for resisting an attack in Springfield, in 
case the enemy should come upon us. In the afternoon 
of the 9th, General Lyon decided to assault the Rebel 
camp at daylight of the following morning. A council 
of war had determined that a defeat would be less inju- 



68 irOVIXG TO WILSON ckeek. 

rious than a retreat ^yitlioiit a Ibattle, proyided tlie defeat 
were not too serions. "To abandon tlie Southwest with- 
out a struggle," said General Lyon, "would loe a sad 
"blow to our cause, and would greatly encourage the 
Eebels. We will fight, and hope for the best." 

In arranging a plan of battle. Colonel Sigel suggested 
that the forces should be divided, so that a simultaneous 
attack would be made upon either extremity of the 
enemy's camp. The two columns were to move from 
Springfield at sunset, bivouac within four miles of the 
proposed battle-field, and begin their march early enough 
to fall upon the enemy' s camj) a little past daylight. We 
left Springfield about sunset on the 9th, General Jjyoii 
taking about three thousand men, while Colonel Sigel 
took less than two' thousand. Excejotions have fre- 
quently been made to this mode of attack. Had it been 
successful, I presume no one would have found it faulty. 
It is an easy matter to criticise the plans of others, after 
their result is known. 

The columns moved by different roads to obtain the 
desired positions. The march was as silent as possible. 
The only sounds were the rumbling of wheels and the 
occasional clank of arms. ISTo one was heavily encum- 
bered, as we expected to return to Springfield before 
the following night. Midnight found us in a hay-field, 
four miles from the Rebel camp. There we rested till 
morning. 

On the previous night I had been almost without 
sleep, and therefore took speedy advantage of the halt. 
Two journeys over the Plains, a little trip into IS'ew 



A BIVOUAC. 69 

J\Iexico, and some excursions among the Rocky Mount- 
ains, had taught me certain rules of campaign life. 
I rarely moved without my l^lankets and rubher 
"poncho," and with a haversack more or less well 
filled. On this occasion I was prepared for sleeping in 
the open au'. 

One hivouac is much like another. When one is 
weary, a blanket on the ground is just as comfortable 
as a bed of down under a slated roof. If accustomed 
to lie under lace curtains, a tree or a bush will make an 
excellent substitute. "Tired nature's sweet restorer" 
comes quickly to an exhausted frame. Realities of the 
past, expectations of the future, hopes, sorrows, wishes, 
regrets — all are banished as we sink into sweet repose. 

At dawn we were in motion. At daylight the smoke 
hanging over the enemy's camp was fully before us. 
Sunrise was near at hand when the hostile position was 
brought to our view. It lay, as we had anticipated, 
stretched along the banks of Wilson Creek. 

Until our advance drove in the pickets, a thousand 
yards from their camp, the Rebels had no intimation 
of our approach. Many of them were reluctant to 
believe we were advancing to attack them, and thought 
the firing upon the pickets was the work of a scouting 
party. The opening of our artillery soon undeceived 
them, a shell being dropped in the middle of their 
camp. 

A Rebel officer afterward told me about our first 
shell. When the pickets gave the alarm of our ap- 
proach, the Rebel commander ordered his forces to 



70 "IS THAT OFFICIAL?" 

"turn out." An Arkansas colonel was in bed wlien 
the order reached him, and lazily asked, "Is that 
official 1" Before the bearer of the order could answer, 
our shell tore through the colonel' s tent, and exploded 
a few yards beyond it. The officer waited for no 
explanation, but ejaculated, "That's official, anyhow," 
as he sj)rang out of his blankets, and arrayed himself 
in fighting costume. 

Before the Rebels could respond to our morning 
salutation, we heard the booming of Sigel's cannon 
on the left. Colonel Sigel reached the spot assigned 
him some minutes before we were able to open fire 
from our position. It had been stipulated that he 
should wait for the sound of our guns before making 
his attack. His officers said they waited nearly fifteen 
minutes for our opening shot. They could look into 
the Rebel camp in the valley of the stream, a few 
hundred yards distant. The cooks were beginning 
their preparations for breakfast, and gave our men a 
fine opportunity to learn the process of making Con- 
federate corn-bread and coffee. Some of the Rebels 
saw our men, and supposed they were their own forces, 
who had taken up a new position. Several walked 
into our lines, and found themselves prisoners of 
war. 

Previous to that day I had witnessed several skir- 
mishes, but this was my first battle of importance. 
Distances seemed much greater than they really were. 
I stood by the side of Captain Totten's battery as it 
opened the conflict. 



SENSATIONS UNDEK FIRE. 71 

" How far are yon firing ?" I asked. 

" About eiglit liundred yards; not over that," was 
tlie captain's response. 

I should have called it sixteen hundred, had I Ibeen 
called on for an estunate. 

Down the valley rose the smoke of Sigel's guns, 
about a mile distant, though, apparently, two or three 
miles away. 

Opposite Sigel's position was the camp of the Ar- 
kansas Division: though it was fully in my sight, 
and the tents and wagons were plainly visible, I 
could not get over the impression that they were 
far off. 

The explosions of our shells, and the flashes of the 
enemy's guns, a short distance up the slope on the 
opposite side of the creek, seemed to be at a con- 
siderable distance. 

To what I shall ascribe these illusions, I do not 
know. On subsequent battle-fields I have never known 
their recurrence. Greater battles, larger streams, high- 
er hills, broader fields, wider valleys, more extended 
camps, have come under my observation, but in none 
of them has the romance exceeded the reality. 

The hours did not crowd into minutes, but the 
minutes almost extended into hours. I frequently 
found, on consulting my watch, that occurrences, ap- 
parently of an hour's duration, were really less than 
a half or a quarter of that time. 

As the sun rose, it passed into a cloud. When 
it emerged, I fully expected it would be some distance 



72 TIME AND DISTANCE. 

toward the zenith, and was surprised to find it had 
advanced only a few degrees. 

There was a light shower, that lasted less than ten 
minutes : I judged it had been twenty. 

The evolutions of the troops on the field appeared 
slow and awkward. They were really efiected with 
great promptness. 

General Lyon was Idlled before nine o'clock, as I 
very well knew. It was some days before I could 
rid myself of an impression that his death occurred 
not far from noon. 

The apparent extension of the hours was the expe- 
rience of several persons on that field. I think it has 
been known by many, on the occasion of their first 
battle. At Pea Eidge, an ofiicer told me, there seemed 
to be about tliirty hours between sunrise and sunset. 
Another thought it was four p. m. when the sun was 
at the meridian. It was only at Wilson Creek that 
I experienced this sensation. On subsequent battle- 
fields I had no reason to complain of my estimate of 
time. 

The first shell from the enemy's guns passed high 
over my head. I well remember the screech of that mis- 
sile .as it cut through the air and lost itself in the dis- 
tance. "Too high, Captain Bledsoe," exclaimed our 
artillery officer, as he planted a shell among the Rebel 
gunners. In firing a half-dozen rounds the Rebels ob- 
tained our range, and then used their guns with some 
effect. The noise of each of those shells I can distinctly 
recall, though I have since listened to hundreds of simi- 



TAKING NOTES UNDER DIFFICULTIES. 73 

lar sounds, of wMcli I liave no vivid recollection. The 
sound made by a shell, in its passage through the air, 
cannot be described, and, when once heard, can never 
be forgotten. 

I was very soon familiar with the whistling of musket- 
balls. Before the end of the action, I thought I could 
distinguish the noise of a Minie bullet from that of a 
common rifle-ball, or a ball from a smooth-bored musket. 
Once, while conversing with the officer in charge of the 
skirmish line, I found myself the center of a very hot 
fire. It seemed, at that instant, as if a swarm of the 
largest and most spiteful bees had suddenly appeared 
around me , The bullets flew too rapidly to be counted, 
but I fancied I could perceive a variation in their 
sound. 

After I found a position beyond the range of musket- 
ry, the artillery would insist upon searching me out. 
While I was seated under a small oak-tree, with my 
left arm through my horse's bridle, and my pencil busy 
on my note-book, the tree above my head was cut by a 
shell. Moving from that spot, I had just resumed my 
writing, when a shot tore up the ground under my arm, 
and covered me with dirt. Even a remove to another 
quarter did not answer my purpose, and I finished my 
notes after reaching the rear. 

It is not my intention to give the details of the battle 
— the movements of each regiment, battalion, or battery, 
as it performed its part in the work. The official record 
will be sought by those who desire the purely military 
history. It is to be regretted that the official report of 



74 THE FORCES ENGAGED. 

the engagement at Wilson Creek displays the great hos- 
tility of its author toward a fellow- soldier. In the early 
campaigns in Missouri, many officers of the regular army 
vied with the Rebels in their hatred of "the Dutch." 
This feeling was not confined to Missouri alone, but was 
apparent in the East as well as in the West. As the war 
progressed the hostility diminished, but it was never 
entirely laid aside. 

The duration of the battle was about four and a half 
hours. The whole force under the National flag was 
five thousand men. The Rebels acknowledged having 
twelve thousand, of all arms. It is probable that this 
estimate was a low one. The Rebels were generally 
armed with shot-guns, common rifles, and muskets of 
the old pattern. About a thousand had no arms what- 
ever. Their artillery ammunition was of poorer qual- 
ity than our own. These circumstances served to make 
the disparity less great than the actual strenght of the 
hostile forces would imply. Even with these con- 
siderations, the odds against Greneral Lyon were quite 
large. 

Our loss was a little less than one-fifth our whole 
strength. Up to that time, a battle in which one-tenth 
of those engaged was placed Ivors de combat, was con- 
sidered a very sanguinary aflair. During the war there 
were many engagements where the defeated party suf- 
fered a loss of less than one-twentieth. Wilson Creek 
can take rank as one of the best-fought battles, when 
the number engaged is brought into consideration. 

The First Missouri Infantry went into action with 



CAUSE OF OUR EETEEAT. 75 

seven hiindred and twenty-six men. Its casualty list 
was as follows : — 

Killed T7 

Dangerously wounded 93 

Otherwise wounded 126 

Captured 2 

Missing '. 15 

Total 313 

The First Kansas Infantry, out of seven hundred and 
eiglity-five men, lost two hundred and ninety-six. The 
loss in other regiments was quite severe, though not 
prox)ortionately as heavy as the alDOve.' These two regi- 
ments did not break during the battle, and when they 
left the ground they marched off as coolly as from a 
parade. 

At the time our retreat was ordered our ammunition 
was nearly exhausted and the ranks fearfully thinned. 
The Rebels had made a furious attack, in which they 
were repulsed. General Sweeney insisted that it was 
their last effort, and if we remained on the ground we 
would not be molested again. Major Sturgis, upon 
whom the command devolved after General Lyon's 
death, reasoned otherwise, and considered it best to fall 
back to Springfield. The Rebels afterward admitted 
that General McCuUoch had actually given the order for 
retreat a few moments before they learned of our with- 
drawal. Of course he countermanded his order at once. 
There were several battles in the late Rebellion in which 
the circumstances were similar. In repeated instances 
the victorious party thought itself defeated, and was 



76 A NOVEL PAYMENT. 

mucli astonislied at finding its antagonist had abandoned 
the struggle. 

In our retreat we brought away many of our wounded, 
hut left many others on the field. When the Rebels 
took possession they cared for their own men as well as 
the circumstances would permit, but gave no assistance 
to ours. There were reports, well authenticated, that 
some who lay helpless were shot or bayoneted. Two 
days after the battle a surgeon who remained at Spring- 
field was allowed to send out wagons for the wounded. 
Some were not found until after four days' exposure. 
They crawled about as best they could, and, by searching 
the haversacks of dead men, saved themselves from 
starvation. One party of four built a shelter of branches 
of trees as a protection against the sun. Another party 
crawled to the bank of the creek, and lay day and night 
at the water's edge. Several men sought shelter in the 
fence corners, or by the side of fallen trees. 

Two days before the battle, ten dollars were paid to 
each man of the First Kansas Infantry. The money was 
in twenty-dollar pieces, and the payment was made by 
drawing up the regiment in the customary two ranks, 
and giving a twenty-dollar piece to each man in the 
front rank. Three-fourths of those killed or wounded 
in that regiment were of the front rank. The Rebels 
learned of this j)ayment, and made rigid search of all 
whom they found on the field. Nearly a year after the 
battle a visitor to the ground picked up one of these 
gold coins. 

During the battle several soldiers from St. Louis and 



«AN"OTHER SHOT." 77 

its vicinity recognized acquaintances on the opposite side. 
These recognitions were generally the occasion of many 
derisive and ahnsive epithets. In the Border States 
each party had a feeling of bitter hostility toward the 
other. Probably the animosity was greather in Missouri 
than elsewhere. 

A lieutenant of the First [Missouri Infantry reported 
that he saw one of the men of his regiment sitting under 
a tree during the battle, busily engaged in whittling a 
bullet. 

" What are you doing there ?" said the officer. 

"My ammunition is gone, and I'm cutting down this 
bullet to fit my gun." (The soldier's musket was a 
"54-caliber," and the bullet was a "59.") 

"Look around among the wounded men," was the 
order, "and get some 54- cartridges. Don't stop to cut 
down that bullet." 

"I would look around, lieutenant," the soldier re- 
sponded, "but I can't move. My leg is shot through. 
I won't be long cutting this down, and then I want a 
chance to hit some of them." 

Captain Gordon Granger was serving on the stalf of 
General Lyon. When not actively engaged in his pro- 
fessional duties, he visited all parts of the field where 
the fight was hottest. Though himself somewhat ex- 
cited, he was constantly urging the raw soldiers to keep 
cool and not throw away a shot. Wherever there was 
a weak x)lace in our line, he was among the first to dis- 
cover it and devise a plan for making it good. On one 
occasion, he found a gap between two regiments, and 



78 CAPTAIN GORDON GEANGER. 

noticed that the Rebels were preparing to take advan- 
tage of it. Without a moment's delay, he transferred 
three companies of infantry to the spot, managing to 
keep them concealed behind a small ridge. 

"ISTow, lie still; don't raise your heads out of the 
grass," said Granger ; "I'll tell you when to fire.^' 

The Rebels advanced toward the supposed gap. 
Granger stood where he could see and not be seen. He 
was a strange compound of coolness and excitement. 
While his judgment was of the best, and his resources 
were ready for all emergencies, a by-stander would have 
thought him heated almost to frenzy. The warmth of 
his blood gave him a wonderful energy and rendered 
Mm ubiquitous ; his skill and decision made his services 
of the highest unportance. 

"There they come ; steady, now ; let them get near 
enough ; fire low ; give them h — 1." 

The Rebels rushed forward, thinking to find an easy 
passage. "When within less than fifty yards, Granger 
ordered his men to fire. The complete repulse of the 
Rebels was the result. , 

" There, boys ; you've done well; D — n the scoun- 
drels ; they won't come here again." With this, the 
captain hastened to some other quarter. 

The death of General Lyon occurred near the middle 
of the battle. So many accounts of this occurrence have 
been given, that I am not fully satisfied which is the cor- 
rect one. I know at least half a dozen individuals in 
whose arms General Lyon expired, and think there are 
as many more who claim that sad honor. There is a 



GENEEAL LYON'S LAST MOMENTS. 79 

similar mystery concerning liis last words, a dozen ver- 
sions liaving l3een given Iby persons Avlio claim to liave 
heard tliem. It is my "belief that General Lyon was 
killed while reconnoitering the enemy' s line and direct- 
ing the advance of a regiment of infantry. I believe he 
was on foot at the instant, and was canght, as he fell, in 
the arms of " Lehman," his orderly. His last utterance 
was, doubtless, the order for the infantry to advance, and 
was given a moment before he received the fatal bullet. 
From the nature of the wound, his death, if not instan- 
taneous, was very speedy. A large musket-ball entered 
his left side, in the region of the heart, passing, nearly 
through to the right. A reported wound in the breast 
was made with a bayonet in the hands of a Rebel sol- 
dier, several hours afterward. The body was brought 
to Springfield on the night after the battle. 

It was my fortune to be acquainted with General 
Lyon. During the progress of the war I met no one 
who impressed me more than he, in his devotion to the 
interests of the country. If he possessed ambition for 
personal glory, I was unable to discover it. He declared 
that reputation was a bubble, which no good soldier 
should follow. Wealth was a shadow, which no man 
in the country's service should heed. His pay as an 
officer was sufficient for all his wants, and he desired 
nothing more. He gave to the Nation, as the friend he 
loved the dearest, a fortune which he had inherited. 
If his death could aid in the success of the cause for 
which he was fighting, he stood ready to die. The 
gloom that spread throughout the North when the news 



80 OFFICERS FEOM TEE WILSOX CREEK ARMY. 

of liis loss was received, sliowed a just appreciation of 
his cliaracter. 

"How sleep the brave who siok to rest 
By all their country's wishes blest!" 

At that Ibattle there was the usual complement of 
officers for five thousand men. Two years later there 
were seven major-generals and thirteen l)rigadier-gen- 
erals who had risen from the Wilson Creek Army. 
There were colonels, lieutenant-colonels, and majors, by 
the score, who fought in the line or in the ranks on that 
memorable lOtli of August. In 1863, thirty-two com- 
missioned officers were in the service from one company 
of the First Iowa Infantry. Out of one company of the 
First Missouri Infantry, twenty-eight men received com- 
missions. To the majority of the officers from that army 
promotion was rapid, though a few cases occurred in 
which the services they rendered were tai'dily acknowl- 
edged. 



o _s^ 




A COUNCIL OF TVAR. 81 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE EETREAT FROM SPRINGFIELD. 

A Council of "War. — Tlie Journalists' Council. — Preparations for Ee- 
treat. — Preceding the Advance-Guard. — Alarm and Anxiety of the 
People. — Magnificent Distances. — A Novel Odometer. — The Unre- 
liable Counttynlan. — Neutrality. — A Night at Lebanon. — A Disa- 
greeable Lodging-place. — Active Secessionists. — The Man who Sought 
and Found his Eights. — Approaching Civilization. — Eebel Couriers 
on the Eoute. — Arrival at Eolla. 

On" the night after the Ibattle, the army was quartered 
at Springfield. The Eebels had returned to the Ibattle- 
ground, and were holding it in possession. The court- 
house and a large hotel were taken for hospitals, and 
received such of our wounded as were hrought in. At 
a council of war, it was decided to fall hack to RoUa, a 
hundred and twenty miles distant, and orders were given 
to move at daylight. 

The journalists held a council of war, and decided to 
commence their retreat at half-past two o'clock in the 
morning, in order to he in advance of the army. The 
prohabilities were in favor of the enemy's cavalry being 
at the junction of certain roads, five miles east of the 
town. We, therefore, divested ourselves of every thing 
of a compromising character. In my own saddle-hags I 
took only such toilet articles as I had long carried, and 
which were not of a warlike nature. We destroyed 



82 A DANGEROUS ROAD. 

papers tliat might give information to the' enemy, and 
kept only our note-lbooks, from whicli all reference to 
the strength of our army was carefully stricken out. 
We determined, in case of capture, to announce our- 
selves as journalists, and display our credentials. 

One of our party was a telegraph operator as well as 
a journalist. He did not wish to appear in the former 
character, as the Missouri Rehels were then declaring 
they would show no quarter to telegraphers. Accord- 
ingl}^, he took special care to divest himself of all that 
pertained to the transmission of intelligence over the 
wires. A pocket "instrument," which he had hitherto 
carried, he concealed in Springfield, after carefully dis- 
ahling the office, and leaving the establishment unfit for 
immediate use. 

We passed the dangerous point five miles from town, 
just as day was breaking. 'No Rebel cavalry confronted 
us in the highway, nor shouted an unwelcome "halt!" 
from a roadside thicket. All was still, though we fan- 
cied we could hear a sound of troops in motion far in 
the distance toward Wilson Creek. The Rebels were 
doubtless astir, though they did not choose to interfere 
with the retreat of our army. 

As day broke and the sun rose, we found the people 
of both complexions thronging to the road, and seeking, 
anxiously, the latest intelligence. At first we bore their 
questions patiently, and briefly told them what had oc- 
curred. Finding that we lost much time, we began, 
early in the day, to give the shortest answers possible. 
As fast as we proceeded the people became more earn- 



ALARM. AMOXG THE PEOPLE. 83 

est, and -would insist upon delaying us. Soon after mid- 
day we commenced denying we liad Ibeen at tlie Ibattle, 
or even in Springfield. This was our only course if we 
would avoid detention. Several residents of Springfield, 
and with tliem a runaway captain from a Kansas regi- 
ment, had preceded us a few hours and told much more 
than the truth. Some of them had advised the people 
to ahandon their homes and go to RoUa or St. Louis, 
assuring them they would all iDe murdered if they re- 
mained at home. 

In pursuance of this advice many were loading a 
portion of their household goods upon wagons and pre- 
paring to precede or follow the army in its retreat. We 
quieted theu' alarm as much as possible, advising them 
to stay at home and trust to fortune. We could not 
imagine that the Rebels would deal severely with the 
inhabitants, except in cases where they had been con- 
spicuous in the Union cause. Some of the people took 
our advice, unloaded theu* wagons, and waited for fur- 
ther developments. Others persisted in their determin- 
ation to leave. They knew the Rebels better than we, 
and hesitated to trust their tender mercies. A year 
later we learned more of "the barbarism of Slavery." 

Southwest Missouri is a region of magnificent dis- 
tances. A mile in that locality is like two miles in the 
New England or Middle States. The people have an 
easy way of computing distance by the survey lines. 
Thus, if it is the width of a township from one point to 
another, they call the distance six miles, even though 
the road may follow the tortuosities of a creek or of the 



84 MAGNIFICENT DISTANCES. 

crest of a ridge, and Ibe ten or twelve miles by actual 
measurement. 

From Springfield to Lebanon it is called fifty miles, 
as indicated by tlie survey lines. A large part of the 
way tlie route is quite direct, but there are places where 
it winds considerably among the hills, and adds several 
miles to the length of the road. No account is taken of 
this, but all is thrown into the general reckoning. 

There is a popular saying on the frontier, that they 
measure the roads with a fox-sldn, and make no allow- 
ance for the tail. Frequently I have been told it was 
five miles to a certain point, and, after an hour's riding, 
on inquiry, found that the place I sought was still five, 
and sometimes six, miles distant. Once, when I essayed 
a " short cut" of two miles, that was to save me twice 
that distance, I rode at a good pace for an hour and a 
half to accomplish it, and traveled, as I thought, at least 
eight miles. 

On the route from Springfield to Lebanon we were 
much amused at the estimates of distance. Once I 
asked a rough-looking farmer, "How far is it to Sand 
Springs?" 

"Five miles, stranger," was the reply. "May be 
you won't find it so much." 

After riding three miles, and again inquiring, I was 
informed it was "risin' six miles to Sand Springs." 
Who could believe in tlie existence of a reliable coun- 
tryman, after that ? 

Thirty miles from Springfield, we sto2:)ped at a farm- 
house for dinner. While our meal was being prepared, 



SOUTH WESTEEl^ NEUTKALITY. 85 

we lay upon the grass in front of tlie liouse, and were 
at once surrounded by a half-dozen anxious natives. 
We answered their questions to the best of our abilities, 
but nearly all of us fell asleep five minutes after lying 
down. When aroused for dinner, I was told I had 
paused in the middle of a word of two syllables, leav- 
ing my hearers to exercise their imaginations on what 
I was about to say. 

Dinner was the usual "hog and hominy" of the 
Southwest, varied with the smallest possible loaf of 
wheaten bread. Outside the house, before dinner, the 
men were inquisitive. Inside the house, when we were 
seated for dinner, the women were unceasing in their 
inquiries. Who can resist the questions of a woman, 
even though she be an uneducated and unkempt Mis- 
sourian ? The dinner and the questions kept us awake, 
and we attended faithfully to both. 

The people of this household were not enthusiastic 
friends of the Union. Like many other persons, they 
were anxious to preserve the good opinion of both sides, 
by doing nothing in behalf of either. Thus neutral, 
they feared they would be less kindly treated by the 
Rebels than by the National forces. Though they had 
no particular love for our army, I think they were sorry 
to see it departing. A few of the Secessionists were npt 
slow to express the fear that their own army would not 
be able to pay in full for all it wanted, as our army had 
done. 

Horses and riders refreshed, our journey was re- 
sumed. The scenes of the afternoon were like those of 



86 SURROUNDED BY DANGERS. 

the morning: tlie same alarm among the people, the 
same exaggerated reports, and the same advice from 
ourselves, when we chose to give it. The road stretched 
out in the same way it had hitherto done, and the infor- 
mation derived from the inhabitants was as unreliahle 
as ever. It was late in the evening, in the midst of a 
heavy shower, that we reached Lebanon, where we 
halted for the night. 

I have somewhere read of a Persian king who be- 
headed his subjects for the most trivial or imaginary 
offenses. The officers of his cabinet, when awaking in 
the morning, were accustomed to place their hands to 
their necks, to ascertain if their heads still remained. 
The individuals comprising our party had every reason 
to make a similar examination on the morning after our 
stay in this town, and to express many thanks at the 
gratifying result. 

On reaching the only hotel at Lebanon, long after 
dark, we found the j)Tiblic room occupied by a miscel- 
laneous assemblage. It was easy to see that they were 
more happy than otherwise at the defeat which our 
arms had sustained. "While our sui)per was being pre- 
pared we made ready for it, all the time keei)ing our 
eyes on the company. We were watched as we went 
to supper, and, on reaching the table, found two persons 
sitting so near our allotted places that we could not con- 
verse freely. 

After supper several individuals wished to talk -with 
us concerning the recent events. We made the battle 
appear much better than it had really been, and assured 



AN UNPLEASANT NIGHT. 87 

fhem that a company of cavalry was following close be- 
hind us, and would speedily arrive. This information 
was unwelcome, as the countenances of the listeners 
plainly indicated. 

One of our party Avas called aside by a Union citizen, 
and informed of a plan to roh, and probably kill, us be- 
fore morning. This was not pleasing. It did not add 
to the comfort of the situation to know that a collision 
between the Home Guards and a company of Seces- 
sionists was momentarily expected. At either end of 
the town the opposing parties were reported preparing 
for a fight. As the hotel was about half-way between 
the two points, our position became interesting. 

Next came a report from an unreliable contraband 
that our horses had been stolen. We went to the stable, 
as a man looks in a wallet he knows to be empty, and 
happily found our animals still there. We found, how- 
ever, that the stable had been invaded and robbed of 
two horses in stalls adjacent to those of our own. The 
old story of the theft of a saw-mill, followed by that of 
the dam, was brought to our minds, with the exception, 
that the return of the thief was not likely to secure his 
capture. The stable-keeper offered to lock the door 
and resign the key to our care. His offer was probably 
well intended, but we could see little advantage in ac- 
cepting it, as there were several irregular openings in 
the side of the building, each of them ample for the 
egress of a horse. 

In assigning us quarters for the night, the landlord- 
suggested that two should occupy a room at one end of 



88 A COLLISIOif EXPECTED. 

the liouse, wliile tlie rest were located elsewhere. "We 
olbjected to this, and sustained our objection. With a 
little delay, a room sufficient for all of us was obtained. 
We made arrangements for the best possible defense in 
case of attack, and then lay down to sleep. Our Union 
fiiend called upon us before we were faMy settled to 
rest, bringing us intelligence that the room, where the 
guns of the Home Guard were temporarily stored, had 
been invaded while the sentinels were at supiDcr. The 
locks had been removed from some of the muskets, but 
there were arms enough to make some resistance if 
necessary. Telling Lim we would come out when the 
tiring began, and requesting the landlord to send the 
cavalry commander to our room as soon as lie arrived, 
we fell asleep. 

No one of our party carried his fears beyond the 
waking hours. In five minutes after dismissing our 
friend, all were enjoying a sleep as refreshing and un- 
disturbed as if we had been in the most secure and 
luxurious dwelling of 'New York or Chicago. During 
several years of travel under circumstances of greater or 
less danger, I have never found my sleep disturbed, in 
the slightest degree, by the nature of my surroundings. 
Apprehensions of danger may be felt while one is 
awake, but they generally vanish when slumber begins. 

In the morning we found ourselves safe, and were 
gratified to discover that our horses had been let alone. 
The landlord declared every thing was perfectly quiet, 
and had been so through the night, with the exce]Dtion 
of a little fight at one end of the town. The Home 



SEEKING HIS EIGHTS. 89 

Guards were in possession, and the Secessionists liad 
dispersed. The latter deliberated upon the policy of 
attacking us, and decided that their town might Ibe 
destroyed by our retreating army in case we were dis- 
turbed. They left us our horses, that we might get away 
from the place as speedily as possible. So we bade 
adieu to Lebanon with much delight. That we came 
unmolested out of that nest of disloyalty, was a matter 
of much surprise. Subsequent events, there and else- 
where, have greatly increased that surprise. 

After a ride of thirteen miles we reached the Gas- 
conade River, which we found considerably swollen by 
recent rains. The proprietor of the hotel where we 
breakfasted was a country doctor, who passed in that 
region as a man of great wisdom. He was intensely 
disloyal, and did not relish the prospect of having, as 
he called it, "an Abolition army" moving anywhere 
in his vicinity. He was preparing to leave for the South, 
with his entire household, as soon as his affairs could be 
satisfactorily arranged. He had taken the oath of alle- 
giance, to protect himself from harm at the hands of our 
soldiers, but Ms negroes informed us that he belonged 
to a company of "Independent Guards," which had 
been organized with the design of joining the Rebel 
army. 

This gentleman was searching for his rights. I passed 
his place six months afterward. The doctor's negroes 
had run away to the North, and the doctor had van- 
ished with his family in the opposite direction. His 
house had been burned, his stables stripped of every 



90 APPROACHING CIVILIZATIO^^. 

tiling of value, and the whole surroundings formed a 
picture of desolation. The doctor had found a reward 
for his vigilant search. There was no doubt he had 
obtained his rights. 

Having ended our breakfast, we decided to remain at 
that place until late in the afternoon, for the purpose of 
writing up our accounts. With a small table, and other 
accommodations of the worst character, we busied our- 
selves for several hours. To the persons of the house- 
hold we were a curiosity. They had never before seen 
men who could write with a journalist's ordinary 
rapidity, and were greatly surprised at the large number 
of pages we succeeded in passing over. We were re- 
peatedly interrupted, until forced to make a request to 
be let alone. The negroes took every opiDortunity to 
look at us, and, when none but ourselves could see them, 
they favored us with choice bits of local infoimation. 
When we departed, late in the afternoon, four stout 
negroes ferried us across the river. 

A hotel known as the California House was oar stop- 
ping-place, ten miles from the Gasconade. As an evi- 
dence of our approaching return to civilization, we found 
each bed at this house su]pplied with two clean sheets, a 
luxury that Springfield was unable to furnish. I re- 
gretted to find, several months later, that the California 
House had been burned by the Rebels. At the time of 
our retreat, the landlord was unable to determine on 
which side of the question he belonged, and settled the 
matter, in conversation with me, by saying h6 was a 
hotel-keeper, and could not interfere in the great issue 



EEBEL COUEIERS. 91 

of the day. I inclined to tlae belief that he was a Union 
man, hut feared to declare himself on account of the 
dubious character of his surroundings. 

The rapidity with which the Secessionists carried 
and received news was a matter of astonishment to our 
people. While on that ride through the Southwest, I 
had an opportunity of learning their modus operandi. 
Several times we saw horsemen ride to houses or stables, 
and, after a few moments' parley, exchange their wearied 
horses for fresh ones. The parties with whom they ef- 
fected their exchanges would be found pretty well in- 
formed concerning the latest news. By this irregular 
sj^stem of couriers, the Secessionists maintained a com- 
plete communication with each other. All along the 
route, I found they knew pretty well what had trans- 
pired, though their news was generally mixed up with 
much falsehood. 

Even in those early days, there was a magnificence 
in the Rebel capacity for lying. Before the war, the 
li^orthern States produced by far the greatest number of 
inventions, as the records of the Patent Office will show. 
During the late Rebellion, the brains of the Southern 
States were wonderfully fertile in the manufacture of 
falsehood. The inhabitants of Dixie invent neither cot- 
ton-gins, caloric engines, nor sewing-machines, but when 
they apply their faculties to downright lying, the mud- 
sill head is forced to bow in reverence. 

In the last day of this ride, we passed over a plateau 
twelve miles across, also over a mountain of consider- 
able height. Near the summit of this mountain, we 



92 AT OUR JOURNEY'S END. 

struck a small brook, wliose growth was an interesting 
study. At first, barely perceptible as it issued from a 
spring by tlie roadside, it grew, mile by mile, until, at 
the foot of the mountain, it formed a respectable stream. 
The road crossed it every few hundred yards, and at 
each crossing we watched its increase. At the base of 
the mountain it united with another and larger stream, 
which we followed on our way to Rolla. 

Late in the afternoon we reached the end of our jour- 
ney. Weary, dusty, hungry, and sore, we alighted 
from our tired horses, and sought the office of the com- 
mandant of the post. All were eager to gather the 
latest intelligence, and we were called upon to answer 
a thousand questions. 

With our story ended, ourselves refreshed from the 
fatigue of our long ride, a hope for the safety of our 
gallant but outnumbered army, we bade adieu to Holla, 
and were soon whirling over the rail to St. Louis. 



FREMONT PUESUING PRICE. 93 



CHAPTER yill. 

GENERAL FREMONT'S PURSUIT OP PRICE. 

Quarrel between Price and McOuUoch. — The Rebels Advance upon Lex- 
ington. — A Novel Defense for Sharp-shooters. — Attempt to Rp-enforco 
the Garrison. — An Enterprising Journalist. — The Surrender. — Fre- 
mont's Adrance. — Causes of Delay. — How the Journalists Killed 
Time. — Late News. — A Contractor "Sold." — Sigel in Front. — A 
Motley Collection. — A Wearied Officer. — The Woman who had never 
seen a Black Republican. — Love and Conversion. 

After tlie Ibattle of Wilson Creek and tlie occupation 
of Springfield, a quarrel arose "between the RelDel Gen- 
erals, Price and McCullocli. It resulted in the latter 
being ordered to Arkansas, leaving General Price in 
command of the army in Missouri. The latter had re- 
peatedly promised to deliver Missouri from the hands 
of the United States forces, and made his preparations 
for an advance into the interior. His intention, openly 
declared, was to take possession of Jefferson City, and 
reinstate Governor Jackson in control of the State. ' The 
Rebels wisely considered that a perambulating Govern- 
or Avas not entitled to great respect, and were particu- 
larly anxious to see the proclamations of His Excellency 
issued from the established capital. 

Accordingly, General Price, with an army twenty 
thousand strong, marched from Springfield in the direc- 
tion of Lexington. This point was garrisoned by Colo- 



94 THE CAPTURE OF LEXINGTON. 

nel Mulligan with alDout twenty-five hundred men. 
After a siege of four days, during tlie last two of which 
the garrison was without water, the fort was surrender- 
ed. Price's army was sufficiently large to make a com- 
plete investment of the fortifications occupied by Colonel 
Mulligan, and thus cut ofi" all access to the river. The 
hemp warehouses in Lexington were drawn upon to con- 
struct movable breast-works for the besieging force. 
Rolling the bales of hemp before them, the E-ebel sharjD- 
shooters could get very near the fort without placing 
themselves in great danger. 

The defense was gallant, but as no garrisons can 
exist without water, Colonel Mulligan was forced to 
capitulate. It afterward became known that Price's 
army had almost exhausted its stock of percussion-caps 
— it having less than two thousand when the surren- 
der was made. General Fremont was highly censured 
by the Press and people for not re-enforcing the garri- 
son, when it was known that Price was moving upon 
Lexington. One journal in St. Louis, that took occa- 
sion to comment adversely upon his conduct, was sud- 
denly suppressed. After a stoppage of a few days, 
it was allowed to resume publication. 

During the siege a small column of infantry ap- 
proached the north bank of the river, opposite Lexing- 
ton, with the design of joining Colonel Mulligan. The 
attempt was considered too hazardous, and no junction 
was effected. Mr. Wilkie, of the New York Times, ac- 
companied this column, and was much disappointed 
when the project of reaching Lexington was given up. 



FREMONT AT JEFFERSON CITY. 95 

Determined to see the Ibattle, he crossed the river and 
surrendered himself to General Price, with a request 
to he put on parole until the hattle was ended. The 
Rehel commander gave him quarters in the guard- 
house till the surrender took place. Mr. Wilkie was 
then liberated, and reached St. Louis with an exclusive 
account of the affair. 

While General Price was holding Lexington, Gen- 
eral Fremont commenced assembling an army at .Jeffer- 
son City, with the avowed intention of cutting off the 
retreat of the Rebels through Southwest Missouri. From 
Jefferson City our forces moved to Tipton and Syra- 
cuse, and there left the line of railway for a march to 
Springfield. Our movements were not conducted with 
celerity, and before we left Jefferson City the Rebels 
had evacuated Lexington and moved toward Spring- 
field. 

The delay in our advance was chiefly owing to a 
lack of transportation and a deficiency of arms for the 
men. General Fremont's friends charged that he was 
not properly sustained by the Administration, in his 
efforts to outfit and organize his army. There was, 
doubtless, some ground for this charge, as the authori- 
ties, at' that particular time, were unable to see any 
danger, except at Washington. They often diverted 
to that point materiel that had been originally designed 
for St. Louis. 

As the. army lay at Jefferson City, preparing for the 
field, some twelve or fifteen journalists, representing the 
prominent papers of the country, assembled there to 



96 JOVIAL JOUPvJTALISTS. 

clironicle its achievements. They waited nearly two 
weeks for the movement to begin. Some "became sick, 
others left in disgnst, but the most of them remained 
firm. The devices of the" journalists to kill time were 
of an amusing nature. The town had no attractions 
whatever, and the gentlemen of the press devoted them- 
selves to fast riding on the best horses they could ob- 
tain. Their horseback excursions usually terminated 
in lively races, in which both riders and steeds were suf- 
ferers. The representatives of two widely-circulated 
dailies narrowly escaped being sent home with broken 
necks. 

Evenings at the hotels were passed in reviving the 
"sky-larking" of school-boy days. These scenes were 
amusing to participants and spectators. Sober, digni- 
fied men, the majority of them heads of families, occu- 
pied themselves in devising plans for the general amuse- 
ment. 

One mode of enjoyment was to assemble In a certain 
large room, and throw at each other every portable arti- 
cle at hand, until exhaustion ensued. Every thing that 
could be thrown or tossed was made use of. Pillows, 
overcoats, blankets, valises, saddle-bags, bridles, satch- 
els, towels, books, stove-wood, bed-clothing, chairs, 
window-curtains, and, ultimately, the fragments of the 
bedsteads, were transformed into missiles. I doubt if 
that house ever before, or since, knew so much noise in 
the same time. Everybody enjoyed it except those who 
occupied adjoining rooms, and possessed a desire for 
pleep. Some of these persons were inclined to excuse 



EECEIVING LATE NEWS. 97 

onr hilarity, on tlie ground that the boys ought to en- 
joy themselves. "The boys !" Most of them were on 
the shady side of twenty-five, and some had seen forty 
years. 

About nine o'clock in the forenoon of the day follow- 
ing Price's evacuation of Lexington, we obtained news 
of the movement. The mail at noon, and the telegraph 
before that time, carried all we had to say of the affair, 
and in a few hours we ceased to talk of it. On the 
evening of th^-t day, a good-natured "contractor" vis- 
ited our room, and, after indulging in our varied amuse- 
ments until past eleven, bade us good-night and de- 
parted. 

Many army contractors had grown fat in the coun- 
try's service, but this man had a large accumulation of 
adipose matter before the war broke out. A rapid 
ascent of a long flight of stairs was, therefore, a serious 
matter with him. Five minutes after leaving us, he 
.dashed rapidly up the stairs and entered our room. As 
soon as he could speak, he asked, breathing between 
the words — 

"Have you heard the news ?" 

' ' No, ' ' we responded ; ' ' what is it V ' 

"Why" (with more efforts to recover his breath), 
" Price has evacuated Lexington !" 

" Is it possible ?" 

"Yes," he gasped, and then sank exhausted into a 
large (very large) arm-chair. 

We gave him a glass of water and a fan, and urged 
Mm to proceed with the story. He told all he had just 



98 THE AEMY IN MOTION. 

heard in tlie "bar-room below, and we listened with the 
greatest apparent interest. 

When he had ended, we told Mm oitr story. The 
quality and quantity of the wine which he immediately 
ordered, was only excelled hy his hearty appreciation of 
the joke he had played upon himself. 

Every army correspondent has often been furnished 
with "important intelligence" already in his possession, 
and sometimes- in print before his well-meaning inform- 
ant obtains it. 

A portion of General Fremont's army marched from 
Jefferson City to Tipton and Syracuse, while the bal- 
ance, with most of the transportation, was sent by rail. 
General Sigel was the first to receive orders to march 
his division from Tipton to Warsaw, and he was very 
prompt to obey. While other division commanders 
were waiting for their transportation to arrive from St. 
Louis, Sigel scoured the country and gathered up every 
thing with wheels. His train was the most motley col- 
lection of vehicles it has ever been my lot to witness. 
There were old wagons that made the journey from 
Tennessee to Missouri thirty years before, farm wagons 
and carts of every description, family carriages, spring 
wagons, stage-coaches, drays, and hay-carts. In fact, 
every thing that could carry a load was taken along. 
Even pack-saddles were not neglected. Horses, mules, 
jacks, oxen, and sometimes cows, formed the motive 
power. To stand by the roadside and witness the pas- 
sage of General Sigel' s train, was equal to a visit to Bar- ' 
num's Museum, and proved an unfailing source of mirth. 



A COMPOSITE TEAIK 99 

Falstaff's train (if lie had one) conld not have been 
more picturesque. Even the Missourians, accustomed as 
they were to sorry sights, laughed heartily at the spec- 
tacle presented iDy Sigel's transportation. The Seces- 
sionists made several wrong deductions from the sad 
appearance of that train. Some of them predicted 
that the division with sucli a train would prove to 
he of little value in hattle. ISTever. were men mdre 
completely deceived. The division marched rapidly, 
and, on a subsequent campaign, evinced its ability to 
fight. 

One after another, the divisions of Fremont's army 
moved in chase of the Rebels ; a pursuit in which the 
pursued had a start of seventy-five miles, and a clear 
road before them. Fremont and his staff left Tipton, 
when three divisions had gone, and overtook the main 
column at Warsaw. A few days later, Mr. Richardson, 
of the Tribune^ and myself started from Syracuse at 
one o'clock, one pleasant afternoon, and, with a single 
halt of an hour's duration, reached Warsaw, forty- seven 
miles distant, at ten o'clock at night. In the morning 
we found the general's staff comfortably quartered in 
the village. On the staff there were several gentlemen 
from New York and other Eastern cities, who were 
totally unaccustomed to horseback exercise. One of 
these recounted the story of their "dreadful" journey 
of fifty miles from Tipton. 

"Only think of it!" said he; "we came through 
all that distance in less than three days. One day 
the general made us come twenty -four miles." 



Lofc. 



100 NEVER SAW A BLACK EEPUP.LICAK 

" That was very severe, indeed. I wonder liow you 
endured it" 

" It was severe, and nearly Ibroke some of us down. 
By-the-way, Mr. K , liow did you come over?" 

"Oil," said I, carelessly, "Richardson and I left 
Syracuse at noon yesterday, and arrived here at ten 
last night." 

■ Before that campaign was ended, General Fremont' s 
staff acquired some knowledge of horsemanship. 

At Warsaw the party of journalists passed several 
waiting days, and domiciled themselves in the house of 
a widow who had one pretty daughter. Our natural 
"bashfulness was our great hinderance, so that it was 
a day or two before we made the acquaintance of 
the younger of the women. One evening she invited 
a young lady friend to visit her, and obliged us with 
introductions. The ladies persistently turned the con- 
versation upon the Rebellion, and gave us the benefit 
of their views. Our young hostess, desiring to say 
something complimentary, declared she did not dislike 
the Yankees, but despised the Dutch and the Black 
Republicans." 

"Do you dislike the Black Republicans very 
much?" said the ^/'^5'^^?^e correspondent. 

"Oh! yes; I hate them. I wish they were all 
dead." 

"Well," was the quiet response, "we are Black 
Republicans. I am the blackest of them all." 

The fair Secessionist was much confused, and for 
fully a minute remained silent. Then she said — 



THE nTHABITANTS OF WAESATV. 101 

"I must confess I did not fully understand wliat 
Black Republicans were. I never saw any "before." 

During the evening she was quite courteous, though 
persistent in declaring her sentiments. Her companion 
launched the most hitter invective at every thing iden- 
tified with the Union cause, and made some horrid 
wishes ahout General Fremont and his army. A more 
vituperative female Rebel I have never seen. She was 
as pretty as she was disloyal, and was, evidently, fully 
aware of it. 

A few months later, I learned that both these 
young ladies had become the wives of United States 
officers, and were complimenting, in high terms, the 
bravery and patriotism of the soldiers they had so 
recently despised. 

The majority of the inhabitants of Warsaw were dis- 
loyal, and had little hesitation in declaring their senti- 
ments. Most of the young men were in the Rebel army 
or preparing to go there. A careful search of several 
warehouses revealed extensives stores of powder, salt, 
shoes, and other military supplies. Some of these arti- 
cles were found in a cave a few miles from Warsaw, 
their locality being made known by a negro who was 
present at their concealment. 

Warsaw boasted a newspaper establishment, but the 
proprietor and editor of the weekly sheet had joined 
his fortunes to those of General Price. Two years be- 
fore the time of our visit, this editor was a member of 
the State Legislature, and made an earnest effort to se- 
cure the expulsion of the reporter of The Missouri 



102 TAKING REVENGE. 

Democrat, on account of the radical tone of tliat paper. 
He was unsuccessful, but tlie aggrieved individual did 
not forgive him. 

When our army entered Warsaw this reporter held 
a position on the staff of the general commanding. K'ot 
finding his old adversary, he contented himself with 
taking possession of the printing-office, and "confisca- 
ting" whatever was needed for the use of head-quarters. 

About twenty miles from Warsaw, on the road to 
Booneville, there was a German settlement, known as 
Cole Camp. When the troubles commenced in Mis- 
souri, a company of Home Guards was formed at Cole 
Camp. A few days after its formation a company of 
Secessionists from Warsaw made a night-march and 
attacked the Home Guards at daylight. 

Though inflicting severe injury upon the Home 
Guards, the Secessionists mourned the loss of the most 
prominent citizens of Warsaw. They were soon after 
humiliated by the presence of a Union army. 



MOVING TOWAED SPRINGFIELD. 103 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE SECOND CAMPAIGN TO SPRINGFIELD. 

Detention at "Warsaw. — A Bridge over the Osage. — The Body-Guard.— 
Manner of its Organization. — The Advance to Springfield.-— Chargd 
of the Body-Guard. — A Corporal's Euse. — Occupation of Springfield 
— The Situation. — "Wilson Creek Revisited. — Traces of the Battle. — 
Rumored Movements of the Enemy. — Removal of General Fremont. 
— Danger of Attack. — A Night of Excitement. — The Return to St. 
Louis. — Curiosities of the Scouting Service. — An Arrest by Mistake. 

The army Tras detained at Warsaw, to wait the con- 
struction of a "bridge over the Osage for the passage of 
the artillery and heavy transportation. Sigel's Division 
was given the advance, and crossed before the bridge 
was finished. The main column moved as soon as the 
bridge permitted — the rear being brought up by Mc- 
Kin&try's Division. A division from Kansas, under 
General Lane, was moving at the same time, to form a 
junction with Fremont near Springfield, and a brigade 
from RoUa was advancing with the same object in view. 
General Sturgis was in motion from North Missouri, and 
there was a prospect that an army nearly forty thousand 
strong would be assembled at Springfield. 

While General Fremont was in St. Louis, before set- 
ting out on this expedition, he organized the "Fre- 
mont Body-Guard," which afterward became famous. 
This force consisted of four companies of cavalry, and 



104 THE FEEMONT BODY-GUAED. 

was intended to form a full regiment. It was composed 
of the best class of the young men of St. Louis and Cin- 
cinnati. From the completeness of its outfit, it was 
often spoken of as the "Kid-Gloved Regiment." Gen- 
eral Fremont designed it as a special body-guard for him- 
self, to move when he moved, and to form a part of his 
head-quarter establishment. The manner of its organi- 
zation was looked upon by many as a needless outlay, 
at a time when the finances of the department were in 
• a disordered condition. The ofiicers and the rank and 
file of the Body- Guard felt their pride touched by the 
comments upon them, and determined to take the first 
oiDportunity to vindicate their character as soldiers. 

A^^en we were within fifty miles of Springfield, it 
was ascertained that the main force of the Rebels had 
moved southward, leaving behind them some two or 
three thousand men. General Fremont ordered a cav- 
alry force, including the Body-Guard, to advance upon 
the town. On reaching Springfield the cavalry made a 
gallant charge upon the Rebel camp, which was situated 
in a large field, bordered by a wood, within sight of the 
court-house. 

In this assault the loss of our forces, in proportion to 
the number engaged, was quite severe, but the enemy 
was put to flight, and the town occupied for a few hours. 
We gained nothing of a material nature, as the Rebels 
would have quietly evacuated Springfield at the ap- 
proach of our main army. The courage of the Body- 
Guard, which no sensible man had doubted, was fully 
evinced by this gallant but useless charge. When the 



A CORPOEAL'S EUSE. 105 

fight was over, tlie colonel in command ordered a retreat 
of twenty miles, to meet the advance of the army. 

A corporal with a dozen men l^ecame separated from 
the command while in Springfield, and remained there 
until the following morning. He received a flag of truce 
from the Rebels, asking permission to send a party to 
bury the dead. He told the bearer to wait until he 
could consult his "general," who was supposed to be 
lying down in the back office. The "general" replied 
that his "division" was too much exasperated to ren- 
der it prudent for a delegation from the enemy to enter 
town, and therefore declined to grant the request. At 
the same time he promised to send out strong details 
to attend to the sad duty. At sunrise he thought it best 
to follow the movements of his superior officer, lest the 
Eebels might discover his ruse and effect his capture. 

Two days after the charge of the Body-Gruard, the 
advance of the infantry entered Springfield without the 
slightest opposition. The army gradually came up, and 
the occupation of the key of Southwest Missouri was 
completed. The Eebel army fell back toward the Ar- 
kansas line, to meet a force supposed to be marching 
northward from Fayetteville. There was little expecta- 
tion that the Rebels would seek to engage us. The only 
possible prospect of their assuming the offensive was in 
the event of a junction between Price and McCulloch, 
rendering them numerically superior to ourselves. 

During our occupation of Springfield I paid a visit to 
the Wilson Creek battle-ground. It was eleven weeks 
from the day I had left it. Approaching the field, I was 



106 • THE OLD BATTLE-GROUND. 

impressed by its stillness, so different from tlie tnmalt 
on tlie lOtli of the previous August. It was difficult to 
realize tliat the spot, now so quiet, had been the scene of 
a sanguinary contest. The rippling of the creek, and 
the occasional chirp of a bird, were the only noises that 
came to our ears. There was no motion of the air, not 
enough to disturb the leaves freshly fallen from the nu- 
merous oak-trees on the battle-field. At each step I 
could but contrast the cool, calm, Indian-summer day, 
with the hot, August morning, when the battle took 
place. 

All sounds of battle were gone, but the traces of the 
encounter had not disappeared. As we followed the 
route leading to the field, I turned from the beaten track 
and rode among the trees. Ascending a slight acclivity, 
I found my horse half-stumbling over some object be- 
tween his feet. Looking down, I discovered a human 
skull, partly covered by the luxuriant grass. At a little 
distance lay the dismembered skeleton to which the skull 
evidently belonged. It was doubtless that of some sol- 
dier who had crawled there while wounded, and sunk 
exhausted at the foot of a tree. The bits of clothing cov- 
ering the ground showed that either birds or wild ani- 
mals had been busy with the remains. Not far off lay 
another skeleton, disturbed and dismembered like the 
other. 

Other traces of the conflict were visible, as I moved 
slowly over the field. Here were scattered graves, each 
for a single person ; there a large grave, that had re- 
ceived a dozen bodies of the slain. Here were fragments 



MOVEMENTS OF THE EEBELS. 107 

of clothing and equipments, pieces of broken weapons, 
the shattered wheel of a caisson, and near it the ex- 
ploded shell that destroyed it. Skeletons of horses, 
graves of men, scarred* trees, trampled graves, the ruins 
of the burned wagons of the Rebels, all formed their 
portion of the picture. It well illustrated the desolation 
of war. 

The spot where General Lyon fell was marked by 
a rude inscription upon the nearest tree. The skeleton 
of the general's favorite horse lay near this tree, and 
had been partially broken up by relic- seekers. The 
long, glossy, mane was cut off by the Rebel soldiers 
on the day after the battle, and worn by them as a 
badge of honor. Subsequently the teeth and bones 
were appropriated by both Rebels and Unionists. 
Even the tree that designated the locality was partially 
stripped of its -limbs to furnish souvenirs of Wilson 
Creek. 

During the first few days of our stay in Springfield, 
there were vague rumors that the army was preparing 
for a long march into the enemy's country. The Rebel 
army was reported at Cassville, fifty-five miles distant, 
fortifying in a strong position. General Price and Gov- 
ernor Jackson had convened the remnant of the Missouri 
Legislature, and caused the State to be voted out of the 
Union. It was supposed we would advance and expel 
the Rebels from the State. 

While we were making ready to move, it was reported 
that the Rebel army at Cassville had received large re- 
enforcements from Arkansas, and was moving in our 



108 A FALSE ALARM. 

direction. Of course, all were anxious for a "battle, and 
hailed tliis intelligence with delight. At the same time 
there were rumors of trouble from another direction — 
trouhle to the commander-in-chief. The vague reports 
of his coming decapitation were followed hy the arrival, 
on the 2d of November, of the unconditional order re- 
moving General Fremont from command, and appointing 
General Hunter in his stead. 

Just before the reception of this order, "positive" 
news was received that the enemy was advancing from 
Cassville toward Springfield, and would either attack us 
in the town, or meet us on the ground south of it. Gen- 
eral Hunter had not arrived, and therefore General Fre- 
mont formed his plan of battle, and determined on 
marching out to meet the enemy. 

On the morning of the 3d, the scouts brought intelli- 
gence that the entire Eebel army was in camp on the old 
Wilson Creek battle-ground, and would fight us there. 
A council of war was called, and it was decided to attack 
the enemy on the following morning, if General Hunter 
did not arrive before that time. Some of the ofiicers 
were suspicious that the Kebels were not in force at 
Wilson Creek, but when Fremont announced it officially 
there could be little room for doubt. 

Every thing was put in readiness for battle. Gen- 
erals of division were ordered to be ready to move at a 
moment's notice. The pickets were doubled, and the 
grand guards increased to an unusual extent. Four 
pieces of artillery formed a portion of the picket force 
on the Fayetteville road, the direct route to Wilson 



GENERAL FREMONT RELIEVED. 109 

Creek. If an enemy had approaclied on tliat night he* 
would have met a warm reception. 

About seven o'clock in the evening, a staff officer, 
who kept the journalists informed of the progress of 
affahs, visited General Fremont's head-quarters. He 
soon emerged with important intelligence. 

"It is all settled. The army is ready to move at the 
instant. Orders will be issued at two o'clock, and we 
wiU be under way before daylight. Sku^mishing will 
begin at nine, and the full battle wiU Ibe drawn on at 
twelve." 

" Is the plan arranged ?" 

" Yes, it is all arranged ; but I did not ask how." 

"Battle sure to come off— is it?" 

"Certainly, unless Hunter comes and countermands 
the order." 

Alas, for human calculations ! General Hunter ar- 
rived before midnight. Two o'clock came, but no 
orders to break camp. Daylight, and no orders to 
march. Breakfast-time, and not a hostile shot had been 
heard. JSTine o'clock, and no skirmish. Twelve o'clock, 
and no battle. 

General Fremont and staff returned to St. Louis. 
General Hunter made a reconnoissance to Wilson Creek, 
and ascertained that the only enemy that had been in 
the vicinity was a scouting party of forty or fifty men. 
At the time we were to march out, there was not a Kebel 
on the ground. Tlieir whole army was stiU at Cassville, 
fifty-five miles from Springfield. 

On the 9th of November the army evacuated 



110 THE SCOUTING SEE VICE. 

"Springfield and returned to tlieline of tlie Pacific Rail- 
way. 

General Fremont's scouts had deceived Mm. Some 
of these individuals were exceedingly credulous, while 
others were liars of the highest grade known to civiliza- 
tion. The former ohtained their information from the 
frightened inhabitants ; the latter manufactured theirs 
with the aid of vivid imaginations. I half suspect the 
fellows were like the showman in the story, and, at 
length, religiously believed what they first designed as a 
hoax. Between the two classes of scouts a large army 
of Rebels was created. 

The scouting service often develops characters of a 
peculiar mould. Nearly every man engaged in it has 
some particular branch in which he excels. There was 
one young man accompanying General Fremont's army, 
whose equal, as a special forager, I have never seen 
elsewhere. Whenever we entered camp, this individual, 
whom I will call the captain, would take a half-dozen 
companions and start on a foraging tour. After an ab- 
sence of from four to six hours, he would return well- 
laden with the spoils of war. On one occasion he 
brought to camp three horses, two cows, a yoke of 
oxen, and a wagon. In the latter he had a barrel of 
sorghum molasses, a firkin of butter, two sheep, a pair 
of fox-hounds, a hoop-skirt, a corn-sheller, a baby's 
cradle, a lot of crockery, half a dozen padlocks, two 
hoes, and a rocking-chair. On the next night he re- 
turned with a family carriage drawn by a horse and a 
mule. In the carriage he had, among other things, a 



AN AKREST BY MISTAKE. Ill 

parrot-cage wMch contained a screaming parrot, several 
pairs of ladies' shoes, a few yards of calico, tlie stock of 
an old musket, part of a spinning-wheel, and a Ibox of 
garden seeds. In what way these things would con- 
tribute to the support of the army, it was difficult to 
understand. 

On one occasion the captain found a trunk full of 
clothing, concealed with a lot of salt in a Rehel ware- 
house. He brought the trunk to camp, and, as the 
quartermaster refused to receive it, took it to St. Louis 
when the expedition returned. At the hotel where he 
was stopping, some detectives were watching a sus- 
pected thief, and, by mistake, searched the captain's 
room. They found a trunk containing thirteen coats of 
all sizes, with no pants or vests. Naturally considering 
this a strange wardrobe for a gentleman, they took the 
captain into custody. He protested earnestly that he 
was not, and had never been, a thief, but it was only on 
the testimony of the quartermaster that he was released. 
I believe he subsequently acted as a scout under Gen- 
eral HaUeck, during the siege of Corinth. 

After the withdrawal of our army. General Price re- 
turned to Springfield and went into winter-quarters. 
McCuUoch's command formed a cantonment at Cross 
Hollows, Arkansas, about ninety mile^ southwest of 
Springfield. There was no prospect of further activity 
until the ensuing spring. Every thing betokened rest. 

From Springfield I returned to St. Louis by way of 
Holla, designing- to follow the example of the army, and 
seek a good locality for hibernating. On my way to 



112 SOUTHWEST MISSOURI IN WAR-TIME. 

Rolla I found many houses deserted, or tenanted only 
by women and cMdren. Frequently tlie crops were 
standing, ungathered, in the field. Fences were pros- 
trated, and there was no effort to restore them. The 
desolation of that region was just beginning. 



THE REBELS IN" ST. LOUIS. 113 



CHAPTEE X. 

TWO MONTHS OP IDLENESS. 

A Promise Fulfilled.-Capture of a Eebel Camp and Train.— Rebel Sjm 
pathizers in St. Louis.— General Ealleck and his Policy.— Refugees 
from Rebeldom.— Story of the Sufferings of a Union Family.— Chiv- 
alry in the Nineteenth Century.- The Army of the Southwest in Mo • 
tion.— Gun-Boats and Transports.— Capture of Fort Henry.— The 
Effect in St. Louis.— Our Flq- Advancing. 

Early in tlie December following the events nar- 
rated in the last chapter, General Pope captured a camp 
in the interior of the State, where recruits were being 
coUected for Price's armj. After the return of Fre^ 
mont's army from Springfield, the Eebel s boasted they 
would eat their Christmas dinner in St. Louis. Many 
Secessionists were making preparations to receive Price 
and his army, and some of them prophesied the time of 
their arrival. It was known that a goodly number of 
Eebel flags had been made ready to hang out when the- 
conquerors should come. Sympathizers with the Eebel- 
lion became bold, and often displayed badges, rosettes, 
and small flags, indicative of their feelings. Eecruiting 
for the Eebel army went on, very quietly, of course, 
within a hundred yards of the City Hall. At a fair for • 
the benefit of the Orphan Asylum, the ladies openly dis- 
played Eebel insignia, but carefully excluded the Na- 
tional emblems. 



114 CHANGES OF COMMAXDEES. 

Tliis was tlie state of affairs wlien eight hundred 
Rebels arrived in St. Louis. They redeemed their 
promise to enjoy a Christmas dinner in St. Louis, though 
they had counted upon more freedom than they were 
then alble to obtain. In order that they might carry out, 
in part, their original intention, their kind-hearted jailers 
permitted the friends of the prisoners to send a dinner 
to the latter on Christmas Day. The prisoners partook 
of the repast with much relish. 

The capture of those recruits was accompanied by the 
seizure of a supply train on its way to Springiield. Our 
success served to diminish the 4lebel threats to capture 
St. Louis, or perform other great and chivalric deeds. 
The inhabitants of that city continued to prox^hesy its 
fall, but they were less defiant than before. 

General Fremont commanded the Western Depart- 
ment for just a hundred days. General Hunter, his 
successor, Avas dressed in brief authority for fifteen days, 
and yielded to General Halleck. The latter ofiicer en- 
deavored to make his rule as unlike that of General 
Fremont as could well be done. He quietly made his 
head-quarters at the Government Buildings, in the center 
of St. Louis, instead of occupying a "palatial mansion " 
on Chouteau Avenue. The body-guard, or other cumber- 
some escort, was abolished, and the new general moved 
unattended about the city. Where General Fremont 
had scattered the Government funds with a wasteful 
hand. General Halleck studied economy. Where Fre- 
mont had declared freedom to the slaves of traitors, Hal- 
leck issued his famous " Order No. 3," forbidding fugi- 



EEFUGEES FROM THE SOUTHWEST. 115 

tiTe slaves to enter our lines, and excluding all that 
were then in the military camps. "Where General Fre- 
mont had surrounded his liead-quarters with so great a 
retinue of guards that access was almost impossible, 
G-eneral Ilalleck made it easy for all visitors to see him. 
He generally gave them such a reception that few gen- 
tlemen felt inclined to make a second call. 

The polic}^ of scattering tlie military forces in the 
department was abandoned, and a system of concentra- 
tion adopted. The construction of the gun-boat fleet, 
and accompanying mortar-rafts, was vigorously pushed, 
and preparations for military work in the ensuing spring 
went on in all directions. Our armies were really idle, 
and we were doing very little on the Mississippi ; but 
it was easy to see that we v/ere making ready for the 
most vigorous activity in the future. 

In the latter part of December many refugees from 
the Southwest began to arrive in St. Louis. In most 
cases they were of the poorer class of the inhabitants of 
Missouri and Northern Arkansas, and had been driven 
from their homes by their wealthier and disloyal neigh- 
bors. Their stories varied little from each other. Known 
or suspected to be loyal, they were summarily expelled, 
generally with the loss of eveiy thing, save a few articles 
of necessity. There were many women and childre'n 
among them, whose protectors had been driven into the 
Rebel ranks, or murdered in cold blood. Many of them 
died soon after they reached our lines, and there were 
large numbers who perished on their way. 

Among those who arrived early in January, 1862, 



116 STOEY OF AN EXILE. "^ 

was a man from Northern Arkansas. Born in Pennsyl- 
vania, lie emigrated to the Southwest in 1830, and, 
after a few years' wandering, settled near Faj^etteville. 
When the war broke out, he had a small fann and a com- 
fortahle house, and his two sons were married and liv- 
ing near him. 

In the autumn of '61, his elder son was impressed 
into the Rebel service, where he soon died. The 
younger was ordered to report at Fayetteville, for 
dut}^. Failing to do so on the day specified, he was 
shot down in his own house on the following night. 
His body fell ujoon one of his children standing near 
him, and his blood saturated its garments. 

Tlie day following, the widow, with two small 
children, was notified to leave the dwelling, as orders 
had been issued for its destruction. Giving her no 
time to remove any thing, the Rebel soldiers, claiming 
to act under military command, fired the house. In 
this party were two persons who had been well ac- 
quainted with the murdered man. The widow sought 
shelter with her husband's parents. 

The widow of the elder son went to the same place 
of refuge. Thus there were living, under one roof, 
the old man, his wife, a daughter of seventeen, and 
the two widows, one with two, and the other with 
three, children. A week afterward, all were commanded 
to leave the country. No cause was assigned, beyond 
the fact that the man was born in the North, and had 
been harboring the family of his son, who refused to 
serve in the Rebel ranks. They were told they could 



EEBEL CRUELTY. 117 

liave two days for preparation, l»nt witliin ten hours 
of the time the notice was served, a gang of Rehels 
appeared at the door, and ordered an instant de- 
parture. 

Th§y made a rigid search of the persons of the 
refugees, to he sure they took away nothing of value. 
Only a single wagon was allowed, and in this were 
placed a few articles of necessity. As they moved 
away, the Rebels applied the torch to the house and 
its outbuildings. In a few moments all were in flames. 
The house of the elder son's ^vidow shared the same 
fate. 

They were followed to the Missouri line, and or- 
dered to make no halt under penalty of death. It 
was more than two hundred miles to our lines, and 
winter was just beginning. One after another fell ill 
and died, or was left with Union people along the 
way. Only four of the party reached our army at 
Roll a. Two of these died a few days after their arrival, 
leaving only a young child and its grandfather. At 
St. Louis the survivors were kindly cared for, but 
the grief at leaving home, the hardships of the winter 
journey, and their destitution among strangers, had so 
worn upon them that tliey soon followed the other 
members of their family. 

There have been thousands of cases nearly parallel 
to the above. The Rebels claimed to be fighting for 
political freedom, and charged the National Govern- 
ment ■with the most unheard-of "tjrranny." We can 
well be excused for not countenancing a political free- 



118 "CHIVALEY." 

dom that kills men at their firesides, and drives women 
and children to seek protection under another flag. We 
have heard much, in the loast twenty years, of " South- 
ern chivalry." If the deeds of which the Rebels were 
guilty are characteristic of chivalry, who would wish 
to be a son of the Cavaliers ? The insignia worn in the 
Middle Ages are set aside, to make room for the torch 
and the knife. The chivalry that deliberately starves 
its prisoners, to render them unable to return to the 
field, and sends blood-hounds on the track of those 
who attempt an escape from their hands, is the chivalry 
of modern days. Winder is the Coour-de-Leon, and 
Quantrel the Bayard, of the nineteenth century ; knights 
" without fear and without reproach." 

Early in January, the Army of the Southwest, under 
General Curtis, was put in condition for moving. Orders 
were issued cutting down the allowance of transportation, 
and tlirowing away every thing superfluous. Colonel 
Carr, with a cavalry division, was sent to the line of the 
Gasconade, to watch the movements of the enemy. It 
was the preliminary to the march into Arkansas, which 
resulted in the battle of Pea Ridge and the famous cam- 
paign of General Curtis from Springfield to Helena. 

As fast as possible, the gun-boat fleet was pushed to 
completion. One after another, as the iron-clads were 
ready to move, they made their rendezvous at Cairo. 
Advertisements of the quartermaster's department, call- 
ing for a large number of transports, sjiowed that offen- 
sive movements were to take i)lace. In Februarj^, Fort 
Henry fell, after an hour's shelling from Admiral Foote's 



THE riEST VICTORY. 119 

gun-boats. This opened the way up the Tennessee River 
to a position on the flank of Columbus, Kentucky, and 
was followed by the evacuation of that j)oint. 

I was in St. Louis on the day the news of the fall 
of Fort Henry was received. Tlie newspapers issued 
"extras," with astonishing head-lines. It was the first 
gratifying intelligence after a long winter of inactivity, 
following a year which closed with general reverses to 
our arms. 

In walking the principal streets of St. Louis on that 
occasion, I could easily distinguish the loyal men of my 
acquaintance from the disloyal, at half a square's dis- 
tance. The former were excited with delight ; the latter 
were downcast with sorrow. The Union men walked 
rapidly, with faces "wreathed in smiles;" the Seces- 
sionists moved with alternate slow and quick steps, 
while their countenances expressed all the sad emotions. 

The newsboys with the tidings of our success were 
patronized by the one and repelled by the other. I saw 
one of the venders of intelligence enter the store of a 
noted Secessionist, where he shouted the nature of the 
news at the highest note of his voice. A moment later 
he emerged from the door, bringing the impress of a 
Secessionist's boot. 

The day and the night witnessed much hilarity in 
loyal circles, and a corresponding gloom in quarters 
where treason rifled. I fear there were many men in 
St. Louis whose conduct was no recommendation to the 
membership of a temperance society. 

All felt that a new era had dawned upon us. Soon 



120 MOVING AGAINST THE ENEMY'S WORKS. 

after came the tidings of a general' advance of our ai-mies. 
We moved in Virginia, and made tlie beginning of tlie 
clieckered campaign of '62. Along tlie Atlantic coast 
we moved, and Newbern fell into our hands. Further 
down the Atlantic, and at the mouth of the Mississippi, 
we kept up the aggression. Grant, at Donelson, ' ' moved 
immediately upon Buckner's works ;" and, in Kentucky, 
the Army of the Ohio occupied Bowling Green and pre- 
pared to move upon l^Tashville. In Missouri, Curtis had 
already occupied Lebanon, and was making ready to 
assault Price at Springfield. Everywhere our flag was 
going forward. 



A Campaigning outfit. 121 



CHAPTER XI. 

ANOTHER CAMPAIGN IN MISSOURI. 

From St. Louis to RoUa. — A Limited Outfit. — Missouri Eoads in "Winter. 
— "Two Solitary Horsemen." — Restricted Accommodations in a 
Slaveholder's House. — An Energetic Quartermaster. — General Sheri- 
dan before he became Famous. — " Bagging Price." — A Defect in the 
Bag. — Examining the Correspondence of a Rebel General. — What 
the Rebels left at their Departure. 

On the 9tli of February I left St. Louis to join 
General Curtis' s army. Arriving at Rolla, I found the 
mud very deep, but was told the roads were in better 
condition a few miles to the west. With an attache of 
the Missouri Democrat^ I started, on the morning of 
the 10th, to overtake the army, then reported at Leba- 
non, sixty-five miles .distant. All my outfit for a two or 
three months' campaign, was strapped behind my saddle, 
or crowded into my saddle-bags. Traveling with a 
trunk is one of the delights unknown to army corre- 
spondents, especially to those in the Southwest. My 
companion carried an outfit similar to mine, with the 
exception, of the saddle-bags and contents. I returned 
to Rolla eight weeks afterward, but he did not reach 
civilization till the following July. 

From Rolla to Lebanon the roads were bad — 
muddy in the valleys of the streams, and on the higher 
ground frozen into inequalities like a gigantic rasp. 



122 WmiER TRAVEL. 

Over this route our army of sixteen thousand men had 
slowly made its way, accomplishing what was then 
thought next to impossible. I found the country had 
changed much in appearance since I passed through on 
my way to join General Lyon. Many houses had been 
burned and others deserted. The few people that re- 
mained confessed themselves almost destitute of food. 
Frequently we could not obtain entertainment for our- 
selves and horses, particularly the latter. The natives 
were suspicious of our character, as there was nothing 
in our dress indicating to which side we belonged. At 
such times the cross-questioning we underwent was ex- 
ceedingly amusing, though coupled with the knowledge 
that our lives were not entirely free from danger. 

From Lebanon we pushed on to Springfield, through 
a keen, piercing wind, that swept from the northwest 
with unremitting steadiness. Tlie night between those 
points was passed in a log-house with a single room, 
where ourselves and. the family of six persons were 
lodged. In the bitter cold morning that followed, it 
was necessary to open the door to give us suflBcient 
light to take breakfast, as the house could not boast of 
a window. The owner of the establishment said he had 
lived there eighteen years, and found it very comfort- 
able. He tilled a small farm, and had earned sufHcient 
money to purchase three slaves, who dwelt in a similar 
cabin, close beside his own, but not joining it. One of 
these slaves was cook and housemaid, and another 
found the care of four children enough for her attention. 
The third was a man upward of fifty years olA, who 



A SLAVEHOLDER'S HOME. 123 

acted as stable-keeper, and manager of tlie out-door 
work of tlie estalblisliment. 

The situation of this landholder struck me as pecu- 
liar, though his case was not a solitary one. A house 
of one room and with no window, a similar house for 
his human property, and a stable rudely constructed of 
small poles, with its sides offering as little lorotection 
against the wind and storms as an ordinary fence, were 
the only buildings he possessed. His furniture was in 
keeping with the buildings. Beds without sheets, a 
table without a cloth, some of the plates of tin and 
others of crockery — the former battered and the latter 
cracked — a less number of knives and forks than there 
were persons to be supplied, tin cups for drinking 
coffee, an old fruit-can for a sugar-bowl, and two tea- 
spoons for the use of a large family, formed the most 
noticeable features. With such surroundings he had 
invested three thousand dollars in negro proiaerty, and 
considered himself comfortably situated. 

Reaching Springfield, I found the army had -passed 
on in pursuit of Price, leaving only one brigade as a 
garrison. The quartermaster of the Army of the South- 
west had his office in one of the principal buildings, and 
was busily engaged in superintending the forwarding of 
supplies to the front. Every thing under his charge 
received his personal attention, and there was no reason 
to suppose the army would lack for subsistence, so 
long as he should remain to supply its wants. Present- 
ing him a letter of introduction, I received a most cordial 
welcome. I found him a modest and agreeable gentle- 



124 "BAGGING" PEIOE, 

man, wliose ^private excellence was only equaled by 
his energy in the performance of his official duties. 

This quartermaster was Captain Philip H. Sheridan. 
The double bars that marked his rank at that time, have 
since been exchanged for other insignia. The reader is 
doubtless familiar with the important part taken by this 
gallant officer, in the suppression of the late Eebellion. 

General Curtis had attempted to surround and cap- 
ture Price and his army, before they could escape from 
Springfield. Captain Sheridan told me that General 
Curtis surrounded the town on one side, leaving two 
good roads at the other, by which the Eebels marched 
out. Our advance from Lebanon was as rapid as the 
circumstances would permit, but it was impossible to 
keep the Rebels in ignorance of it, or detain them 
against their will. One of the many effi3rts to "bag" 
Price had resulted like all the others. We closed with 
the utmost care every part of the bag except the mouth ; 
out of this he wallied by the simple use of his pedals. 
Operations like those of Island Number Ten, Yicksburg, 
and Port Hudson, were not then in vogue. 

Price was in full retreat toward Arkansas, and our 
army in hot pursuit. General Sigel, with two full di- 
visfons, marched by a road parallel to the line of Price's 
retreat, and attempted to get in his front at a point forty 
miles from Springfield, His line of march was ten miles 
longer than the route followed by the Rebels, and he 
did not succeed in striking the main road until Price 
had passed. 

I had the pleasure of going through General Price's 



EEBEL DOCUMENTS. 125 

head-quarters only two days after that officer aban- 
doned them. There was every evidence, of a hasty de- 
parture. I found, among other documents, the follow- 
ing order for the evacuation of Springfield : — 

Head-Qtjaetees Missouei State Guard, i 
Speingfield, February 13, 1862, \ 
The commanders of divisions will instanter, and without the least 
delay, see that their entire commands are ready for movement at a 
moment's notice. 

By order of Major-General S, Price, 

H, H, Beand, a. a, G. 

There was much of General Price's private corre- 
spondence, together with many official documents. Some 
of these I secured, but destroyed them three weeks later, 
at a moment when I expected to fall into the hands of 
the enemy. One letter, which revea!led the treatment 
Union men were receiving in Arkansas, I forwarded to 
TJie Herald. I reproduce its material portions : — 



AS, ^ 



DovEE, Pope Co., Aekansas, 
December 7, 1861 
Majoe-Geneeal Peice : 

I wish to obtain a situation as surgeon in your army, * * * q^j. 
men over the Boston Mountains are penning and hanging the mountain 
boys who oppose Southern men. They have in camp thirty, and in the 
Burrowville jail seventy-two, and have sent twenty-seven to Little 
Rock. We will kill all we get, certain : every one is so many less, I 
hope you will soon get help enough to clear out the last one in your 
State, If you know them, they ought to be killed, as the older they 
grow the more stubborn they get. 

Your most obedient servant, 

James L. Adasis. 

In his departure. General Price had taken most of his 
personal property of any value. He left a very good 
array of desks and other appurtenances of his adjutant- 



126 WHAT THE REBELS ABANDONED. 

general' s office, Tvliicli fell into General Curtis' s hands. 
These articles were at once put into use by our officers, 
and remained in Sj)ringfield as trophies of our success. 
There was some war materiel at the founderies and tem- 
porary arsenals which the Eehels had established. One 
store full of supplies they left undisturbed. It was soon 
appropriated by Captain Sheridan. 

The winter- quarters for the soldiers were sufficiently 
commodious to contain ten thousand men, and the con- 
dition in which we found them showed how hastily 
they were evacuated. Very little had been removed 
from the buildings, except those articles needed for 
the march. We found cooking utensils containing 
the remains of the last meal, pans with freshly-mixed 
dough, on which the impression of the maker' s hand 
was visible, and sheep and hogs newly killed and half 
dressed. In the officers' quarters was a beggarly array 
of empty bottles, and a few cases that had contained 
cigars. One of our soldiers was fortunate in finding a 
gold watch in the straw of a bunk. There were cribs 
of corn, stacks of forage, and a considerable quantity of 
army supplies. Every thing evinced a hasty departure. 



JOLLY UlTDEfl REVERSES. 127 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE FLIGHT AND THE PURSUIT. 

From Springfield to Pea Ridge. — Mark Tapley in Missouri, — "The Ar- 
kansas Traveler." — Encountering the Rebel Arnly. — A "Wonderful 
Spring. — The Cantonment at Cross Hollows. — Game Chickens. — 
Magruder vs. Breckinridge. — Rebel Generals in a Controversy. — Its 
Result. — An Expedition to Huntsville. — Cui-iosities of Rebel Cur- 
rency. — Important Information. — A Long and Weary March. — Dis- 
position of Forces before the Battle. — Changing Front. — What the 
Rebels lost by Ignorance. 

When it became certain tlie army would continue 
its march into Arkansas, myself and the Democrat's 
corresiDondent pushed -forward to overtake it. Along 
the road we learned of the rapid retreat of the Rebels, 
and the equally rapid pursuit by our own forces. 
About twenty miles south of Springfield one of the 
natives came to his door to greet us. Learning to which 
army we belonged, he was very voluble in his efforts 
to explain the consternation of the Rebels. A half- 
dozen of his neighbors were by his side, and joined in 
the hilarity of the occasion. I saw that something more 
than usual was the cause of their assembling, and 
inquired what it could be. 

"My wife died this morning, and my friends have 
come here to see me," Avas the answer I received from 
the proprietor of the house. 



128 CEOSSING THE LINE. 

Almost at tlie instant of completing the sentence, lie 
"burst into a laugh, and said, 

"It would have done you good to see how your 
folks captured a hig drove of Price's cattle. The Rebs 
were driving them along all right, and your cavalry just 
came up and took them. It was rich, I tell you. Ha ! 
ha!" » 

JSTot knowing what condolence to offer a man who 
could he so gay after the death of his wife, I hade him 
good-morning, and pushed on. He had not, as far as I 
could perceive, the single excuse of "being intoxicated, 
and his display of vivacity appeared entirely genuine. 
In all my travels I have never met his equal. 

Up to the time of this campaign none of our armies 
had heen into Arkansas. When General Curtis ap- 
proached the line, the head of the column was halted, 
the regiments closed up, and the men brought their 
muskets to the "right shoulder shift," instead of the cus- 
tomary " at will" of the march. Two bands Vv'^ere sent to 
the front, where a small post marked the boundary, and 
were stationed by the roadside, one in either State. 
Close by them the National flag was unfurled. The 
bands struck up "The Arkansas Traveler," the order to 
advance was given, and, with many cheers in honor of 
the event, the column moved onward. For several 
days "The Arkansas Traveler" was exceedingly popu- 
lar with the entire command. On the night after cross- 
ing the line the news of the fall of Fort Donelson was 
received. 

Soon after entering Arkansas on his retreat, Gfeneral 



A SOUTHWESTEEN" SPRING. 129 

Price met General McCuUocli moving northward to 
join him. With their forces united, they determined on 
making a stand against General Curtis, and, accordingly, 
halted near Sugar Creek. A little skirmish ensued, in 
which the Rebels gave way, the loss on either side being 
trifling. They did not stop until they reached Fayette- 
ville. Their halt at that point was very brief. 

At Cross Hollows, in Benton County, Arkansas, about 
two miles from the main road, there is one of the finest 
springs in the Southwest. It issues from the base of a 
rocky ledge, where the ravine is about three hundred 
yards wide, and forms the head of a large brook. Two 
small flouring mills are run during the entire year by 
the water from this spring. The water is at all times 
clear, cold, and pure, and is said never to vary in 
quantity. 

Along the stream fed by this spring, the Rebels had 
established a cantonment for the Army of ITorthern Ar- 
kansas, and erected houses capable of containing ten or 
twelve thousand men. The cantonment was laid out 
with the regularity of a Western city. The houses were 
constructed of sawed lumber, and provided with sub- 
stantial brick chimneys. 

Of course, this establishment was abandoned when 
the Rebel army retreated. The buildings were set on 
fire, and all but a half-dozen of them consumed. When 
our cavalry reached the place, the rear-guard of the 
Rebels had been gone less than half an hour. There 
were about two hundred chickens running loose among 
the burning buildings. Our soldiers commenced killing 



130 GAME CHICKENS. 

them, and had slaughtered two-thirds of the lot when 
one of the officers discovered that they were game-cocks. 
This class of chickens not Toeing considered edible, the 
killing was stopped and the balance of the flock saved. 
Afterward, while we lay in camp, they were made a 
source of much amusement. The cock-fights that took 
place in General Curtis' s army would have done honor 
to Havana or Yera Cruz. Before we captured them the 
"birds were the property of the officers of a Louisiana 
regiment. We gave them the names of the Rebel lead- 
ers. It was an every-day affair for Beauregard, Van 
Born, and Price to be matched against Lee, Johnston, 
and Polk. I remember losing a small wager on Magru- 
der against Breckinridge. I should have won if Breck 
had not torn the feathers from Mac's neck, and injured 
his right wing by a foul blow. I never backed Magru- 
der after that. 

From Cross Hollows, General Curtis sent a division 
in pursuit of Price's army, in its retreat through Payette- 
ville, twenty-two miles distant. On reaching the town 
they found the Rebels had left in the direction of Fort 
Smith. The pursuit terminated at this point. It had 
been continued for a hundred and ten miles — a large 
portion of the distance our advance being within a mile 
or two of the Rebel rear. 

In retreating from Fayetteville, the Rebels were 
obliged to abandon much of the supplies for their army. 
A serious quarrel is reported to have taken place be- 
tween Price and McCulloch, concerning the disposition 
to be made of these supplies. The former was in favor 



THE REBELS IK EETREAT. 131 

of leaving the large amount of stores, of wliicli bacon 
was the chief article, that it might fall into our hands. 
He argued that we had occupied the country, and would 
stay there until driven out. Our army would be sub- 
sisted at all hazards. If we found this large quantity of 
bacon, it would obviate the necessity of our foraging 
upon the country and impoverishing the inhabitants. 

General McCulloch opposed this policy, and accused 
Price of a desire to play into the enemy' s hands. The 
quarrel became warm, and resulted in the discomfiture of 
the latter. All the Rebel warehouses were set on fire. 
When our troops entered Fayetteville the conflagration 
was at its height. It resulted as Price had predicted. 
The inhabitants were compelled, in great measure, to 
support our army. 

The Eebels retreated across the Boston Mountains to 
Fort Smith, and commenced a reorganization of their 
army. Our army remained at Cross Hollows as its cen- 
tral point, but threw out its wings so as to form a front 
nearly five miles in extent. Small expeditions were sent 
in various directions to break up Rebel camps and re- 
cruiting stations. In this way two weeks passed witli 
little activity beyond a careful observation of the ene- 
my' s movements. There were several flouring mills in 
the vicinity of our camp, which were kept in constant 
activity for the benefit of the army. 

I accompanied an expedition, commanded by Colonel 
Vandever, of the Ninth Iowa, to the town of Huntsviile, 
thirty -five miles distant. Our march occupied two days, 
and resulted in the occupation of the town and the dis- 



132 VALUABLE CUERENOY. 

persal of a small camp of Rebels. We had no fighting, 
scarcely a shot being fired in anger. The inhabitants 
did not greet us very cordially, though some of them 
professed Union sentiments. 

In this town of Huntsville, the best friend of the 
Union was the keeper of a whisky- shop. This man de- 
sired to look at some of our money, but declined to take 
it. An ofllcer procured a canteen of whisky and ten- 
dered a Treasury note in payment. The note was re- 
fused, with a request for either gold or Rebel paper. 

The officer then exhibited a large sheet of "promises 
to pay," which he had procured in Fayetteville a few 
days before, and asked how they would answer. 

"That is just what I want," said the whisky vender. 

The officer called his attention to the fact that the 
notes had no signatures. 

"That don't make any difierence," was the reply; 
"nobody will know whether they are signed or not, 
and they are just as good, anyhow." 

I was a listener to the conversation, and at this junc- 
ture profiered a pair of scissors to assist in dividing the 
notes. It took but a short time to cut off enough 
"money" to pay for twenty canteens of the worst 
whisky I ever saw. 

At Huntsville we made a few prisoners, who said 
they were on their way from, Price's army to Forsyth, 
Missouri. They gave us the important information that 
the Rebel army, thirty thousand strong, was on the 
Boston Mountains the day previous ; and on the very 
day of our arrival at Huntsville, it was to begin its ad- 



A FOECED MAECH. 133 

vance toward our front. These men, and some others, 
had been sent away because they had no weapons witla 
which to enter the fight. 

Immediately on learning this, Colonel Vandever dis- 
patched, a courier to General Curtis, and prepared to 
set out on his return to the main army. We marched 
six miles before nightfall, and at midnight, while we 
were endeavoring to sleep, a courier joined us from the 
commander-in-chief. He brought orders for us to make 
our way back with all possible speed, as the Rebel 
army was advancing in full force. 

At two o'clock we broke camp, and, with only one 
halt of an hour, made a forced march of forty-one miles, 
joining the main column at ten o'clock at night. I 
doubt if there were many occasions during the war 
where better marching was done by infantry than on 
that day. Of course, the soldiers were much fatigued, 
but were ready, on the following day, to take active 
part in the battle. 

On the 5th of March, as soon as Greneral Curtis 
learned of the Rebel advance, he ordered General Sigel, 
who was in camp at Bentonville, to fall back to Pea 
Ridge, on the north bank of Sugar Creek. At the same 
time he withdrew Colonel Jeff. C. Davis's Division to 
the same locality. This placed the army in a strong, 
defensible position, with the creek in its front. On the 
ridge above the stream our artillery and infantry were 
posted. 

The Rebel armies under Price and McCulloch had 
been united and strongly re-enforced, the whole being 



134 COMMENCEMENT OF THE EIGHT. 

under the command of General Van Dorn. Their 
strength was upward of twenty thousand men, and 
they were confident of their ahility to overpower us. 
Knowing our strong front line, General Van Dorn de- 
cided upon a Ibold movement, and threw himself around 
our right flank to a position between us and our base at 
Springfield. 

In moving to our right and rear, the Kebels encoun- 
tered General Sigel' s Division before it had left Benton- 
ville, and kept up a running fight during the afternoon 
of the 6th. Several times the Rebels, in small force, 
secured positions in Sigel' s front, but that ofiicer suc- 
ceeded in cutting his way through and reaching the 
main force, with a loss of less than a hundred men. 

The position of the enemy at Bentonville showed us 
his intentions, and we made our best preparations to 
oppose him. Our first stej) was to obstruct the road 
from Bentonville to our rear, so as to retard the enemy' s 
movements. Colonel Dodge, of the Fourth Iowa (after- 
ward a major-general), rose from a sick-bed to perform 
this work. The impediments which he placed in the 
way of the Rebels prevented their reaching the road in 
our rear until nine o'clock on the morning of the 7th. 

Our next movement was to reverse our position. 
We had been facing south — it was now necessary to 
face to the north. The line that had been our rear be- 
came our front. A change of front implied that our 
artillery train should take the place of the supply train, 
and vice 'oersd. "Elkhorn Tavern" had been the 
quartermaster's depot. We made all haste to substitute 



DESICCATED MEAT. 135 

artillery for baggage-wagons, and boxes of ammunition 
for boxes of hard bread. This transfer was not accom- 
plished before the battle began, and as our troops were 
pressed steadily back on our new front, Elkhorn Tav- 
ern fell into the hands of the Rebels. 

The sugar, salt, and bread which they captured, 
happily not of large quantity, were very acceptable, 
and speedily disappeared. Among the quartermaster's 
stores was a wagon-load of desiccated vegetables, a very 
valuable article for an army in the field. All expected 
it would be made into soup and eaten by the Rebels. 
What was our astonishment to find, two days later, that 
they had opened and examined a single case, and, after 
scattering its contents on the ground, left the balance 
undisturbed ! 

Elkhorn Tavern was designated by a pair of elk- 
horns, which occupied a conspicuous position above 
the door. After the battle these horns were removed 
by Colonel Carr, and sent to his home in Illinois, as 
trophies of the victory. 

A family occupied the building at the time of the 
battle, and remained there during the whole contest. 
When the battle raged most fiercely the cellar proved a 
place of refuge. Shells tore through the house, some- 
times from the National batteries, and sometimes from 
Rebel guns. One shell exploded in a room where three 
women were sitting. Though their clothes were torn 
by the flying fragments, they escaped without personal 
injury. They announced their determination not to 
leave home so long as the house remained standing. 



136 WALLETS WITHOUT MONEY. 

Among other things captured at Elkhorn Tavern loy 
the Kehels, was a sutler's wagon, which had just ar- 
rived from St. Louis. In the division of the spoils, a 
large box, filled with wallets, fell to the lot of McDon- 
ald' s Battery. For several weeks the officers and pri- 
vates of this battery could boast of a dozen wallets each, 
while very few had any money to carry. The Rebel 
soldiers complained that the visits of the paymaster 
were like those of angels. 



THE BATTLE BEGINNING. 137 



CHAPTER XIII. 

THE BATTLE OP PEA RIDGB. 

The Kebels wake their Attack. — Albert Pike and his Indians. — Scalping 
Wounded Men. — Death of General McOuUoch. — The Fighting at Elk- 
horn Tavern. — :Close of a Gloomy Day. — An Unpleasant Night. — 
Vocal Sounds from a Mule's Throat. — Sleeping under Disadvan- 
tages. — A Favorable Morning. — The Opposing Lines of Battle.— A 
Severe Cannonade. — The Forest on Fire. — "Wounded Men in the 
Flames. — The Eebels in Eetreat. — Movements of our Army. — A 
Journey to St. Louis. 

About nine o'clock on the morning of the Ttli, the 
Rebels made a simultaneous attack on our left and front, 
formerly our right and rear. General Price commanded 
the force on our front, and General McCulloch that on 
our left ; the former having the old Army of Missouri, 
re-enforced by several Arkansas regiments, and the lat- 
ter having a corps made up of Arkansas, Texas, and 
Louisiana troops. They brought into the fight upward 
of twenty thousand men, while we had not over twelve 
thousand with which to oppose them. 

The attack on our left was met by General Sigel and 
Colonel Davis. That on our front was met by Colonel 
Carr's Division and the division of General Asboth. 
On our left it was severe, though not long main- 
tained, the position we held being too strong for the 
enemy to carry. 



138 ALBERT PIKE AND HIS INDIANS. 

It was ou this part of tlie line that the famous Albert 
Pike, the lawyer-poet of Arkansas, brought his newly- 
formed brigades of Indians into use. Pike was unfor- 
tunate with his Indians. While he was arranging them 
in line, in a locality where the bushes were about eight 
feet in height, the Indians made so much noise as to 
reveal their exact position. One of our batteries was 
qviietly placed within point-blank range of the Indians, 
and suddenly opened upon them with grape and .canis- 
ter. They gave a single yell, and scattered without 
waiting for orders. 

The Indians were not, as a body, again brought 
together during the battle. In a charge which our 
cavalry made upon a Rebel brigade we were repulsed, " 
leaving several killed and wounded upon the ground. 
Some of Pike's Indians, after theii' dispersal, came 
upon these, and scalped the dead and living without 
distinction. A Rebel officer subsequently informed me 
that the same Indians scalped several of their own slain, 
and barbarously murdered some who had been only 
slightly injured. 

On this part of the field we were fortunate, early in 
the day, in killing General McCulloch and his best 
lieutenant. General Mcintosh. To this misfortune the 
Rebels have since ascribed their easy defeat. At the 
time of this reverse to the enemy, General Yan Dorn .was 
with Price in our front. After their repulse and the 
death of their leader, the discomfited Rebels joined their 
comrades in the front, who had been more successful. 
It was nightfall before the two forces were united. 



A NIGHT IN" CAMP 139 

In our front, Colonel Carr' s Division fought steadily 
and earnestly during the entire day, but was pressed 
hack fully two-thirds of a mile. General Curtis gave 
it what re-enforcements he could, hut there were very 
few to he spared. When it was fully ascertained that 
the Eehels on our left had gone to our front, we pre- 
pared to unite against them. Our left was drawn in 
to re-enforce Colonel Carr, hut the movement was not 
completed until long after dark. 

Thus night came. The rebels were in full possession 
of our communications. We had repulsed them on 
the left, hut lost ground, guns, and men on our front. 
The Rebels were holding Elkhorn Tavern, which we 
had made great effort to defend. Colonel Carr had re- 
peatedly wished for either night or re- enforcements. 
He obtained both. 

The commanding officers visited General Curtis's 
head-quarters, and received their orders for the morrow. 
Our whole force was to be concentrated on our front. 
If the enemy did not attack us at daylight, we would 
attack him as soon thereafter as practicable. 

Viewed in its best light, the situation was somewhat 
gloomy. Mr. Fayel, of the Democrat^ and myself were 
the only journalists with the army, and the cessation of 
the day's fighting found us deliberating on our best 
course in case of a disastrous result. We destroyed all 
documents that could give information to the enemy, 
retaining only our note-books, and such pax)ers as per- 
tained to our profession. With patience and resigna- 
tion we awaited the events of the morrow. 



140 SLEEPING UNDER DISADVANTAGES 

I do not know that any of our officers expected we 
should "be overpowered, "but there were many who 
thought such an occurrence probable. The enemy was 
nearly twice as strong as we, and lay directly between 
us and our base. If he could hold out till our ammuni- 
tion was exhausted, we should be compelled to lay 
down our arms. There was no retreat for us. We 
must be victorious or we must surrender. 

In camp, on that night, every thing was confusion. 
The troops that had been on the left during the day were 
being transferred to the front. The quartermaster was 
endeavoring to get his train in the least dangerous place. 
The opposing lines were so near each other that our men 
could easily hear the conversation of the Rebels. The 
night was not severely cold ; but the men, who were on 
the front, after a day's fighting, found it quite uncom- 
fortable. Only in the rear was it thought prudent to 
build fires. 

The soldiers of German birth were musical. Through- 
out the night I repeatedly heard their songs. The sol- 
diers of American parentage were generally profane, and 
the few words I heard them utter were the reverse of 
musical. Those of Irish origin combined the peculiari- 
ties of both Germans and Americans, with their tenden- 
cies in favor of the latter. 

I sought a quiet spot withjn the limits of the camp, 
but could not find it. Lying down in the best place 
available, I had just fallen asleep when a mounted or- 
derly rode his horse directly over me. I made a mild 
remonstrance, but the man was out of hearing before I 



MUSIC OF THE CAMP. 141 

spoke. Soon after, some one liglited a pipe and tlirew 
a coal upon my hand. This drew from me a gentle re- 
quest for a discontinuance of that experiment. I believe 
it was not repeated. During the night Mi"^ Fay el's 
beard took fire, and I was roused to assist in s/ayingthe 
conflagration. ' 

The vocal music around me was not calculated to 
encourage drowsiness. Close at hand was the quarter- 
master' s train, with the mules ready harnessed for mov- 
ing in any direction. These mules had not been fed 
for two whole days, and it was more tlian thirty-six 
hours since they had taken water. These facts were 
made known in the best language the creatures pos- 
sessed. The bray of a mule is never melodious, even 
when the animal' s throat is well moistened. When it 
is parched and dusty the sound becomes unusually 
hoarse. Each hour added to the noise as the thirst of 
the musicians increased. Mr. Fayel provoked ^ discus- 
sion concerning the doctrine of the transmigration of 
souls ; and thought, in the event of its truth, that the 
wretch was to be pitied who should pass into a mule in 
time of war. 

With the dawn of day every one was astir. At sun- 
rise I found our line was not quite ready, though it was 
nearly so. General Curtis was confident all would re- 
sult successfully, and completed the few arrangements 
then requiring attention. We had expected the Eebels 
would open the attack ; but they waited for us to do so. 
They deserved many thanks for their courtesy. The 
smoke of the previous day's fight still hung over the 



142 THE LAST DAY OF THE BATTLE. 

camp, and tlie sun rose tlirougb. it, as through a cloud. 
A gentle wind soon dissipated this smoke, and showed 
us a clear sky overhead. The dkection of the wind 
was in our favor. 

Tlie ground selected for deciding the fate of that day 
was a huge cornfield, somewhat exceeding two miles in 
length and about half a mUe in width. The western' ex- 
tremity of this fi.eld rested upon the ridge which gave 
name to the battle-ground. The great road from Spring- 
field to Fayetteville crossed this field about midway 
from the eastern to the western end. 

It was on this road that the two armies took their 
positions. The lines were in the edge of the woods 
on opposite sides of the field — the wings of the armies 
extending to either end. On the northern side were 
the Rebels, on the southern was the N'ational army. 
Thus each army, sheltered by the forest, had a cleared 
space in its front, affording a full view of the enemy. 

By half- past seven o'clock our line was formed and 
ready for action. A little before eight o' clock the can- 
nonade was opened. Our forces were regularly drawn 
up in order of battle. Our batteries were placed be- 
tween the regiments as they stood in line. In the tim- 
ber, behind these regiments and batteries, were the 
brigades in reserve, ready to be brought forward in 
case of need. At the ends of the line were battalions 
of cavalry, stretching off to cover the wings, and give 
notice of any attempt by the Rebels to move on our 
flanks. Every five minutes the bugle of the extreme 
battalion would sound the signal "All's well." The 



A 0ANN0I7ADE. 143 

signal would be taken by the bugler of the next bat- 
talion, and in this way carried down the line to the cen- 
ter. If the Rebels had made any attempt to outflank 
usj we could hardly have failed to discover it at once. 

Our batteries opened ; the Rebel batteries responded. 
Our gunners proved the best, and our shot had the 
greatest effect. We had better ammunition than that of 
our enemies, and thus reduced the disparity caused by 
their excess of guns. Our cannonade was slow and 
careful ; theirs was rapid, and was made at random. At 
the end of two hours of steady, earnest work, we could 
see that the Rebel line was growing weaker, while our 
own was still unshaken. The work of the artillery was 
winning us the victory. 

In the center of the Rebel line was a rocky liill, 
eighty or a hundred feet in height. The side whicli 
faced us was almost perpendicular, but the slope to the 
rear was easy of ascent. On this hill the Rebels had 
stationed two regiments of infantry and a battery of 
artillery. The balance of tlieir artillery lay at its base. 
General Curtis ordered that the fire of all our batteries 
should be concentrated on this hill at a given signal, 
and continued there for ten minutes. This was done. 
At the same time our infantry went forward in a charge 
on the Rebel infantry and batteries that stood in the 
edge of the forest. The cleared field afforded fine 
opportunity for the movement. 

The charge was successful. The Rebels fell back in 
disorder, leaving three guns in our hands, and their 
dead and wounded scattered on the ground. This was 



144 THE WOODS Olj" FIEE. 

the end of the battle. We had won the victory at Pea 

Ridge. 

I followed our advancing forces, and ascended to the 
summit of the elevation on which our last fire was con- 
centrated. Wounded men were gathered in little groups, 
and the dead were lying thick about them. The range 
of our artillery had been excellent. Rocks, trees, 
and earth attested the severity of our fire. This can- 
nonade was the decisive work of the day. It was 
the final effort of our batteries, and was terrible while it 

lasted. 

The shells, bursting among the dry leaves, had set 
the woods on fire, and the flames were slowly traversing 
the ground where the battle had raged. We made every 
effort to remove the wounded to places of safety, before 
the fire should reach them. At that time we thought 
we had succeeded. Late in the afternoon I found 
several wounded men lying in secluded places, where 
they had been terribly burned, though they were still 
alive. Very few of them survived. 

Our loss in this battle was a tenth of our whole force. 
The enemy lost more than we in numbers, though less 
in proportion to his strength. His position, directly in 
our rear, would have been fatal to a defeated army in 
many other localities. There were numerous small roads, 
intersecting the great road at right angles. On these 
roads the Rebels made their lines of retreat. Had we 
Bent cavalry in pursuit, the Rebels would have lost 
heavily in artillery and in their supply train. As it 
was, they escaped without material loss, but they 



AKMY MOVEMENTS. 145 

suffered a defeat wliicli ultimately resulted in our posses- 
sion of all Northern Arkansas. 

The Eebels retreated across the Boston Mountains to 
Van Buren and Fort Smith, and were soon ordered 
ttence to join Beauregard at Corinth. Our army moved 
to Keytsville, Missouri, several miles north of the battle- 
ground, where the country was better adapted to for- 
aging, and more favorable to recuperating frorii the effects 
of the conflict. 

From Keytsville it moved to Forsyth, a small town 
in Taney County, Missouri, fifty miles from Springfield. 
Extending over a considerable area, the army consumed 
whatever could be found in the vicinity. It gave much 
annoyance to the Rebels by destroying the saltpeter 
works on the upper portion of White River. 

The saltpeter manufactories along the banks of this 
stream were of great importance to the Rebels in the 
Southwest, and their destruction seriously reduced the 
supplies of gunpowder in the armies of Arkansas and 
Louisiana. Large quantities of the crude material were 
shipped to Memphis and other points, in the early days 
of the war. At certain seasons White River is naviga- 
ble to Forsyth. The Rebels made every j)ossible use 
of their opportunities, as long as the stream remained in 
their possession. • ' 

Half sick in consequence of the hardships of the 
campaign, and satisfied there would be no more fighting 
of importance during the summer, I determined to go 
back to civilization. I returned to St. Louis by way 
of Springfield and Rolla. A wounded ofiicer, Lieu- 

10 



146 MY EETUEN" FROM THE SOUTHWEST. 

tenant-Colonel Herron (wlio afterward wore the stars 
of a major-general), was my traveling companion. Six 
days of weary toil over rough and muddy roads brought 
us to the railway, within twelve hours of St. Louis. It 
was my last campaign. in that region. From that date 
the war in the Southwest had its chief interest in the 
country east of the Great Eiver. 



THE l^W SITUATION. 147 



CHAPTER XIV. 

UP THE TENNESSEE AND AT PITTSBURG LANDINa. 

At St. Louis. — Progress of our Arms in tLe Great Valley. — Cairo. — Its 
. Peculiarities and Attractions. — Its Commercial, Geographical, and 
Sanitary Advantages. — Up the Tennessee. — Movements Preliminary 
to the Great Battle. — The Eebels and their Plans. — Postponement 
of the Attack. — Disadvantages of our Position. — The Beginning of 
the Battle. — Results of the First Day. — Ee-enforcements. — Disputes 
between- Officers of our two Armies. — Beauregard's Watering-Place. . 

OiT reacMng St. Louis, three weeks after the battle 
of Pea Ridge, I found that public attention was centered 
upon the Tennessee River. Fort Henry, Fort Donel- 
son, Columbus, and l!^ashville had fallen, and our armies 
were pushing forward toward the Gulf, by the line of 
the Tennessee. General Pope was laying siege to Island 
Number Ten,' having already occupied New Madrid, 
and placed his gun-boats in front of that point. General 
Grant's army was at Pittsburg Landing, and General 
Buell' s army was moving from Nashville toward Savan- 
nah, Tennessee. The two armies were to be united at 
Pittsburg Landing, for a further advance into tlie South- 
ern States. General Beauregard was at Corinth, where 
he had been joined by Price and Van Dorn from Arkan- 
sas, and by Albert Sidney Johnston from Kentucky. 
There was a promise of active hostilities in that'quarter. 
I left St. Louis, after a few days' rest, for the new scene 
of action. 



148 A CHANGE. 

Cairo lay in my raiite. I found it greatly changed 
from the Cairo of the previous autumn. Six months 
before, it had Ibeen the rendezvous of the forces watch- 
ing the Lower Mississippi. The Ibasin in which the 
town stood, was a vast military encampment. Officers 
of all rank thronged the hotels, and made themselves as 
comfortable as men could be in Cairo. All the leading 
joiarnals of the country were represented, and the dis- 
patches from Cairo were everywhere perused with in- 
terest, though they were not always entirely accurate. 

March and April witnessed a material change. Where 
there had been twenty thousand Soldiers in December, 
thei'e were less than one thousand in April. Where a 
fleet of gun-boats, mortar-rafts, and transports had been 
tied to the levees during the winter montlis, the opening 
spring showed but a half-dozen steamers of all classes. 
The transports and the soldiers were up the Tennessee, 
the mortars were bombarding Island Number Ten, and 
the gun-boats were on duty where tlieir services. were 
most needed. The journalists had become war corre- 
spondents in earnest, and were scattered to the points 
of greatest interest. 

Cairo had become a vast dejpot of supplies for the 
armies operating on the Mississippi and its tributa- 
ries. The commander of the post was more a forward- 
ing agent than a military officer. The only steamers at 
the levee were loading for the armies. Cairo was a map 
of busy, muddy life. 

The opening year found Cairo exulting in its deep 
and all-pervading mud. There was mud everywhere. 



THE BEAUTIES OF CAIRO. 149 

Levee, sidewalks, floors, windows, -tables, bed-clothing, 
all were covered with it. On tlie levee it varied from 
six to thirty inches in depth. The luckless individual 
whose duties obliged him to make frequent journeys 
from the steamboat landing to the principal hotel, be- 
came intimately acquainted with its character. 

Sad, unfortunate, derided Cairo ! Your visitors de- 
part with unpleasant memories. Only your inhabitants, 
who hold titles to corner lots, speak loudly in your 
praise. When it rains, and sometimes when it does not, 
your levee is unpleasant to walk upon. Your side- 
walks are dangerous, and your streets are unclean. 
John Phenix declared you destitute of honesty. Dick- 
ens asserted that your physical and moral foundations 
were insecurely laid. Russell did not praise you, and 
TroUope uttered much to your discredit. Your mus- 
quitos are large, numerous, and hungry. Your atmos- 
phere does not resemble the spicy breezes that blow 
soft o'er Ceylon's isle. Your energy and enterprise are 
commendable, and your geographical location is excel- 
lent, but you can never become a rival to Saratoga or 
Newport. 

Cairo is built in a basin formed by constructing a 
levee to inclose the peninsula at the junction of the 
Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. Before the erection of the 
levee, this peninsula was overflowed by the rise of 
either river. Sometimes, in unusual floods, the waters 
reach the top of the embankment, and manage to fill the 
basin. At the time of my visit, the Ohio was rising 
rapidly. ' The inhabitants were alarmed, as the water 



150 ' TO PITTSBURG LANDIITG. 

was gradually gaining upon tliem. After a time it took 
possession of the l)asin, enabling people to navigate the 
streets and front yards in skiffs, and exchange saluta- 
tions from house-tops or upper windows. Many were 
driven from their houses lof the flood, and forced to seek 
shelter elsewhere. In due time the waters receded and 
the city remained unharmed. It is not true that a 
steamer was lost in consequence of running against a 
chimney of the St. Charles Hotel. 

Cairo has prospered during the war, and is now 
making an effort to fill her streets above the high- water 
level, and insure a dry foundation at all seasons of the 
year. This once accomplished, Cairo will become a city 
of no little importance. 

Proceeding up the Tennessee, I reached Pittsburg 
Landing three days after the great battle w'hich has made 
that locality famous. 

The history of that battle has been many times writ- 
ten. Official rexDorts have given the dry details, — the 
movements of division, brigade, regiment, and battery, 
all being fully portrayed. A few journalists who wit- 
nessed it gave the accounts which were circulated every- 
where by the Press. The earliest of these was published 
by T/ie Herald. The most complete and graphic was that 
of Mr. Reid, of The Cincinnati Gazette. Officers, soldiers, 
civilians, all with greater or less experience, wrote what 
they had heard and seen. So diverse have been the 
statements, that a general officer who was prominent in 
the battle, says he sometimes doubts if he was present. 

In the official accounts there have been inharmonious 



THE SITUATION AT CORINTH. 151 

deductions, and many statements of a contradictory 
character. Some of the participants have criticised un- 
favorably the conduct of others,' and a bitterness con- 
tinuing through and after the war has been the result. 

In February of 1862, the Rebels commenced assem- 
bling an army at Corinth. General Beauregard was 
placed in command. Early in March, Price and Van 
Dorn were ordered to take their commands to Corinth, 
as their defeat at Pea Ridge had placed them on the de- 
fensive against General Curtis. General A. S. Johnston 
had moved thither, after the evacuation of Bowling 
Green, Kentucky, and from all quarters the Rebels were 
assembling a vast army. General Johnston became com- 
mander-in-chief on his arrival. 

General Halleck, who then commanded the Western 
Department, ordered General Grant, afte:^ the capture of 
Forts Henry and Donelson, to move to Pittsburg Land- 
ing, and seize that point as a base against Corinth. Gen- 
eral Buell, with the Army of the Ohio, was ordered to 
join him from Nashville, and with other re-enforcements 
we would be ready to take the offensive. 

Owing to the condition of the roads, General Buell 
moved very slowly, so that General Grant was in posi- 
tion at Pittsburg Landing several days before the former 
came up. This was the situation at the beginning of 
April ; Grant encamped on the bank of the Tennessee 
nearest the enemy, and Buell slowly approaching the 
opposite bank. It was evidently the enemy' s opportu- 
nity to strike his blow before our two armies should be 
united. 



152 THE REBEL PLANS. 

On the 4tli of April, the Rebels prepared to move 
from Corinth to attack General Grant's camp, l)iTt, on 
account of rain, they delayed theu* advance till the 
morning of the 6th. At daylight of the 6th our pickets 
were driven in, and vrere followed by the advance of the 
Rebel army. 

The division whose camp was nearest to Corinth, and 
therefore the first to receive the onset of the enemy, was 
composed of the newest troops in the army. Some of 
the regiments had received their arms less than two 
weeks before. The outposts were not sufficiently far 
from camp to allow miich time for getting under arms 
after the first encounter. A portion of this division was 
attacked before it 'could form, but its commander, Gen- 
eral Prentiss, promptly rallied his men, and made a vig- 
orous fight. He succeeded, for a time, in staying the 
progress of the enemy, but the odds against him were 
too great. When his division was surrounded and 
fighting was no longer of use, he surrendered his com- 
mand. At the time of surrender he had little more than 
a thousand men remaining out of a division six thousand 
strong. Five thousand were Idlled, wounded, or had 
fled to the rear. 

General Grant had taken no precautions against at- 
tack. The vedettes were but a few hundred yards from 
our front, and we had no breast- works of any kind be- 
hind which to fight. The newest and least reliable sol- 
diers were at the point where the enemy would make 
his first appearance. The positions of the various bri- 
gades and divisions were taken, more with reference to 



THE FIRST DAY'S FIGHTING. 153 

secnring a good camping-ground, than for purposes of 
strategy. General Grant showed himself a soldier in the 
management of the army after the bat'tle Ibegan, and he 
has since achieved a reputation as the greatest warrior 
of the age. Like the oculist who spoiled a hatful of 
eyes in learning to operate for the cataract, he improved 
his military knowledge by his experience at Shiloh. 
Never afterward did he place an army in the enemy's 
country without making careful provision against as- 
sault. 

One division, under General Wallace, was at Crump's 
Landing, six miles below the battle-ground, and did not 
take part in the action till the following day. The other 
divisions were in line to meet the enemy soon after the 
fighting commenced on General Prentiss's front, and 
made a stubborn resistance to the Rebel advance. 

The Rebels well knew they would have no child's 
play in that battle. They came prepared for hot, terri- 
ble work, in which thousands of men were to fall. The 
field attests our determined resistance ; it attests theu' 
daring advance. A day's fighting pushed us slowly, but 
steadily, toward the Tennessee. Our last line was formed 
less than a half mile from its bank. Sixty pieces of ar- 
tillery composed a grand battery, against which the en- 
emy rushed. General Grant's ofiicers claim that the 
enemy received a final check when he attacked that 
line. The Rebels claim that another hour of daylight, 
had we received no re-enforcements, would have seen 
our utter defeat. Darkness and a fresh division came to 
our aid. 



154 ARRIVAL (5F BJCJELL'S ARMY. 

General Buell was to anive at Savannah, ten miles 
below Pittsburg, and on the opposite bank of the river, 
on the morning of the 6th. On the evening of the 5th, 
Greneral Grant proceeded to Savannah to meet him, and 
was there when the battle began on the following morn- 
ing. His boat was immediately headed for Pittsburg, 
and by nine o'clock the General was on the battle-field. 
From that time, iixe engagement received his personal 
attention. When he started from Savannah^, some of 
General Buell' s forces were within two miles of the 
town. They were hurried forward as rapidly as possi- 
ble, and arrived at Pittsburg, some by land and others 
by water, in season to take position on our left, just as 
the day was closing. Others came up in the night, and 
formed a part of the line on the morning of the 7th. 

General K'elson' s Division was the first to cross the 
river and form on the left of Grant's shattered amiy. 
As he landed, Nelson rode among the stragglers by the 
bank and endeavored to rally them. Halting a captain 
of infantry, he told him, to get his men together and 
fall into line. The captain's face displayed the utmost 
terror. "My regiment is cut to pieces,." was the rejoin- 
der ; " every man of my company is Idlled." 

' ' Then why ain' t you killed, too, you d— d coward V ' 
thundered Nelson. "Gather some of these stragglers 
and go back into the battle." 

The man obeyed the order. 

General Nelson reported to General Grant with his 
division, received his orders, and then dashed about the 
field, wherever his presence was needed. The division 



THE EEBELS IN OUK CAMP.., 155 

was only slightly engaged before nigM came on and sus- 
pended the Ibattle. 

At dawn, on the second day the enemy lay in the po- 
sition it held when darkness ended the fight. The 
gun-hoats had shelled- the woods during the night, and 
prevented the Rebels from reaching the river on our left. 
A creek and ravine prevented their reaching it on 
the right. None of the Rebels stood on the bank of 
the Tennessee River on that occasion, except as prison- 
ers of war. 

As they had commenced the attack on the 6th, it was 
our turn to begin it on the 7th. A little past daylight 
we opened fire, and the fresh troops on the left, under 
General Buell, were put in motion. The Rebels had 
driven us on the 6th, so we drove them on the 7th. By 
noon of that day we held the ground lost on the day 
previous. 

The camps which the enemy occupied during the 
night were comparatively uninjured, so confident were 
the Rebels that our defeat was assured. 

It was the arrival of General Buell' s army that saved 
us. The history of that battle, as the Rebels have given 
it, shows that they expected to overpower General Grant 
before General Buell could come up. They would then 
cross the Tennessee, meet and defeat Buell, and re- 
capture !N"ashville. The defeat of these two armies 
would have placed the Valley of the Ohio at the com- 
mand of the Rebels. Louisville was to have been the 
next point of attack. 

The dispute between the officers of the Army of the 



156 OFFICIAL DISPUTES. 

Tennessee and those of the Army of the Ohio is 
not likely to Ibe terminated until this generation has. 
passed away. The former contend that the Rebels 
were repulsed on the evening of the 6th of April, be- 
fore the Army of the Ohio took 'part in the battle. 
The latter are equally earnest in declaring that the 
Army of the Tennessee would have been defeated 
had not the other army arrived. Both parties sus- 
tain their arguments by statements in proof, and by 
positive assertions. I believe it is the general opinion 
of impartial observers, that the salvation of General 
Grant's army is due to the arrival of the army of General 
Buell. With the last attack on the evening of the 6th, 
in which our batteries repulsed the Rebels, the enemy 
did not retreat. Night came as the fighting ceased. 
Beauregard' s army slept where it had fought, and gave 
all j)Ossible indication of a readiness to renew the battle 
on the following day. So near was it to the river that 
our gun-boats threw shells during the night to prevent 
our left wing being flanked. 

Beauregard is said to have sworn to water his horse 
in the Tennessee, or in Hell, on that night. It is certain 
that the animal did not quench his thirst in the terres- 
trial stream. If he drank from springs beyond the Styx, 
I am not informed. 



THE EEEOR OF THE REBELS. 157 



CHAPTER XV. 

SHILOH AND THE SIEGE OP CORINTH. 

The Error of tlie Rebels. — Story of a Surgeon. — Experience of a Rebel 
Regiment. — Injury to the Rebel Army. — The Effect in our own 
Lines. — Daring of a Color-Bearer. — A Brave Soldier. — A Druramer- 
Boy's Experience. — Gallantry of an Artillery Surgeon. — A Regiment 
Commanded by a Lieutenant. — Friend Meeting Friend and Brother 
Meeting Brother in the Opposing Lines. — The Scene of the Battle. — 
Fearful Traces of Musketry-Fire. — The "Wounded. — The Labor of 
the Sanitary Commission. — Humanity a Yankee Trick. — Besieging 
Corinth. — A Cold-Water Battery, — Halleck and the Journalists.— 
Occupation of Corinth. 

The fatal error of the Rebels, was their neglect to at- 
tack on the 4th, as originally intended. They were in- 
formed by their scouts that Buell could not reach Sa- 
vannah before the 9th or 10th ; and therefore a delay of 
two days would not change the situation, Buell was 
nearer than they supposed. 

The surgeon of the Sixth Iowa Infantry fell into the 
enemy' s hands early on the morning of the first day of 
the battle," -and established a hospital in our abandoned 
camp. His position was at a small log-house close by 
the principal road. Soon after he took possession, the 
enemy's columns began to file past him, as they pressed 
our army. The surgeon says he noticed a Louisiana 
regiment that moved into battle eight hundred strong, its 
banners flying and the men elated at the prospect of sue- 



158 A FEAEFUL LOSS. 

cess. Albout five o'clock in the afternoon this regiment 
was "witlidrawn, and went into "bivouac a short distance 
from the snrgeon' s hospital. It was then less than four 
hundred strong, iDut the spirit of the men was still the 
same. On the morning of the 7th, it once more went into 
battle. About noon it came out, less than a hundred 
strong, pressing in retreat toward Corinth. The men 
still clung to their flag, and declared their determination 
to be avenged. 

The story of this regiment was the story of many 
others. Shattered and disorganized, their retreat to 
Corinth had but little order. Only the splendid rear- 
guard, commanded by General Bragg, saved them from 
utter confusion. The Rebels admitted that many of their 
regiments were unable to produce a fifth of their original 
numbers, until a week or more after the battle. The 
stragglers came in slowly from the surrounding country, 
and at length enabled the Rebels to estimate their' loss. 
There were many who never returned to answer at roll- 
call. , 

In our -army, the disorder was far from small. Large 
numbers of soldiers wandered for days about the camps, 
before they could ascertain their proper locations. It 
was fully a week, before all were correctly assigned. 
We refused to allow burying parties from the Rebels 
to come within our lines, preferring that they should 
not see the condition of our camp. Time was required 
to enable us to recuperate. I presume the enemy was 
as much in need of time as ourselves. 

A volume could be filled with the stories of personal 



AN nrOIDEN"! OF BATTLE. 159 

• 

valor during that "battle. General Lew Wallace says 
Ms division was, at a certain time, forming on one side of 
a field, wliile the Rebels were on the opposite side. The 
colOr-lDearer of a Rebel regiment stepped in front of his 
own line, and waved his flag as a challenge to the color- 
bearer that faced him. Several of onr soldiers wished 
to meet the challenge, but their officers forbade it. 
Again the Rebel stepped forward, and planted his flag- 
staff in the ground. There was no response, ^and again 
and again he advanced, until he had passed more than 
half the distance between the opposing lines. Our fire 
was reserved in admiration of the man's daring, as he 
stood full in view, defiantly waving his banner. At 
last, when the struggle between the divisions com- 
menced, it was impossible to save him, and he fell dead 
by the side of his colors. 

On the morning of the second day's fighting, the 
officers of one of our gun-boats saw a soldier on the river- 
bank on our extreme left, assisting another soldier who 
was severely wounded. A jelwI was sent to bring 
away the wounded man and his com^Danion. As it 
touched the side of the gun-boat on its return, the unin- 
jured soldier asked to be sent back to land, that he 
might have further part in the battle. "I have," said 
he, "been taking care of this man, who is my neighbor' 
at home. He was wounded yesterday morning, and I 
have been by his side ever since. N^either of us has 
eaten any thing for thirty hours, but, if you will take 
good care of him, I will not stop now for myself. I 
want to get into the battle again at once." The man's 



IGO AN UNFORTUNATE WOUND. 

request was complied with. ' I regret my icialDility to 
give Ms name. 

A drummer-boy of the Fifteenth Iowa Infantry was 
wounded five times during the first day's battle, but in- 
sisted upon going out on the second day. He had 
hardly started before he fainted from loss of blood, and 
was left to recover and crawl back to the camp. 

Colonel Sweeney, of the Fifty-second Illinois Infan- 
try, who lost an arm in Mexico and was wounded in the 
leg at Wilson Creek, received a wound in his arm on 
the first day of the battle. He kept his saddle, though 
he was unable to use Ms arm, and went to the hospital 
after the battle was over. When I saw him he was 
venting his indignation at the Rebels, because they had 
not wounded him in the stump of Ms amputated arm, 
instead of the locality which gave him so much incon- 
venience. It was this officer's fortune to be wounded 
on nearly every occasion when he went into battle. 

During the battle. Dr. Cornyn, surgeon of Major 
Cavender' s battalion of Missouri Artillery, saw a section 
of a battery whose commander had been killed. The 
doctor at once removed the surgeon's badge from his 
hat and the sash from Ms waist, and took command of 
the guns. He placed them in position, and for several 
hours managed them with good efiect. He was twice 
wounded, tliough not severely. "I was determined 
they should not kill or capture me as a surgeon when I 
had charge of that artiUery," said the doctor afterward, 
"and so removed every thing that marked my rank." 

The Eebels made some very desperate charges 



AEKWAL OF GENEEAL HALLEOK. 161 

against our artillery, and lost heavily in each attack. 
Once they actually laid their hands on the muzzles of 
two guns in Captain Stone's battery, iDut were unable 
to capture them. 

General Hurlbut stated that his division fought all 
day on Sunday with heavy loss, but only one regiment 
broke. When he entered the battle on Monday morn- 
ing, the Third Iowa Infantry was commanded by a first- 
lieutenant, all the field officers and captains having been 
disabled or captured. Several regiments were com- 
manded by captains. 

Colonel McHenry, of the Seventeenth Kentucky, 
said his regiment fought a Kentucky regiment which 
was raised in the county where his own was organized. 
The fight was very fierce. The men frequently called 
out from one to another, using taunting epithets. Two 
brothers recognized each other at the. same moment, and 
came to a tree midway between the lines, where they 
conversed for several minutes. 

The color-bearer of the Fifty-second Illinois was 
wounded early in the battle. A man who was under 
arrest for misdemeanor asked the privilege of carrying 
the colors. It was granted, and he behaved so admira- 
bly that he was released from arrest as soon as the 
battle was ended. 

General Halleck arrived a week after the battle, and 

commenced a reorganization of the army. He found 

much confusion consequent ui)on the battle. In a short 

time the army was ready to take the offensive. We 

then commenced the advance upon Corinth, in wliich 
11 



162 THE BATTLE-FIELD. 

we were six weeks moving twenty-five miles. When 
our army first took position at Pittsburg Landing, and 
"before the Rebels bad efiected tbeir concentration, Gen- 
eral Grant asked permission to capture Corinth. He 
felt confident of success, but was ordered not to bring 
on an engagement under any circumstances. Had the 
desired permission been given, there is little doubt he 
would have succeeded, and thus avoided the necessity 
of the battle of Shiloh. 

The day following my arrival at Pittsburg Landing 
I rode over the battle-field. The ground was mostly 
wooded, the forest being one in which artillery could be 
well employed, but where cavalry was comparatively 
useless. The" ascent from the I'iver was up a steep bluff 
that led to a broken table-ground, in which there were 
many ravines, generally at right angles to the river. On 
this table-ground our camps were located, and it was 
there the battle took place. 

Everywhere the trees were scarred and shattered, 
telling, as plainly as by words, of the shower of shot, 
shell, and bullets, that had fallen upon them. Within 
rifle range of the river, stood a tree maked by a cannon- 
shot, showing how much we were pressed back on 
the afternoon of the 6th. From the moment the crest of 
the bluff was gained, the traces of battle were apparent. 

In front of the line where General Prentiss's Division 
fought, there was a spot of level ground covered with a 
dense groAvth of small trees. The tops of these trees 
were from twelve to fifteen feet high, and had been 
almost mowed off by the shower of bullets which j)assed 



EIDING OVER THE GEOUITD. 163 

through them. I saw no place where there was greater 
evidence of severe work. There was everywhere full 
proof that the hattle was a determined one. Assailant 
and defendant had done their best. 

It was a ride of five miles among scarred trees, over 
ground cut hy the wheels of guns and caissons, among 
shattered muskets, disabled cannon, broken wagons, and 
all the heavier debris of battle. Everywhere could be 
seen torn garments, haversacks, and other personal 
equipments of soldiers. There were tents where the 
wounded had been gathered, and where those who 
could not easily bear hiovement to the transports were 
still remaining. In every direction I moved, there were 
the graves of the slain, the National and the Rebel 
soldiers being buried side by side. Few of the graves 
were marked, as the hurry of interment had been great. 
I fear that many of those graves, undesignated and un- 
fenced, have long since been leveled. A single year, 
with its rain and its rank vegetatioUj would leave but a 
small trace of those mounds. 

All through that forest the camps of our army were 
scattered. During the first few days after the battle they 
showed much irregularity, but gradually took a more 
systematic shape. When the wounded had been sent to 
the transports, the regiments compacted, the camps 
cleared of superfluous baggage and materiel^ and the 
weather became more propitious, the army assumed an 
attractive appearance. 

When the news of {he battle reached the principal 
cities of the West, the Sanitary Commission prepared to 



164 CARE OF THE WOUNDED. 

send relief. Witliiu twenty -four hours, boats were dis- 
patclied from St. Louis and Cincinnati, and hurried to 
Pittsburg Landing with the utmost rapidity. The battle 
had not been altogether unexpected, but it found us 
without the proper preparation. Whatever we had was 
pushed forward without delay, and the sufferings of the 
wounded were alleviated as much as possible. 

As fast as the boats arrived they were loaded with 
wounded, and sent to St. Louis and other points along 
the Mississippi, or to Cincinnati and places in its vicinity. 
Chicago, St. Louis, and Cincinnati were the principal 
points represented in this work of humanity. Many 
prominent ladies of those cities passed week after week 
in the hospitals or on the transports, doing every thing 
in their power, and giving their attention to friend and 
foe alike. 

In all cases the Rebels were treated with the same 
kindness that our own men received. Not only on the 
boats, but in the hospitals where the wounded were 
distributed, and until they were fully recovered, our 
suffering prisoners were faithfully nursed. The Rebel 
papers afterward admitted this kind treatment, but 
declared it was a Yankee trick to win the sympathies 
of our prisoners, and cause them to abandon the insur- 
gent cause. The men who systematically starved their 
prisoners, and deprived them of shelter and clothing, 
could readily suspect the humanity of others, Tliey 
were careful never to attempt to kill by kindness, 
those who were so unfortunate as to fall into their 
hands. 



ADVANOIITG. 165 

It was three weeks after tlie "battle "before all the 
wonnded were sent away, and the army was ready for 
offensive work. "When we were once more in fighting 
trim, our lines were slowly pushed forward. General 
Pope had been called from the vicinity of Fort Pillow, 
after his capture of Island ]Sruml)er Ten, and his army 
was placed in position on the left of the line already 
^brmed. "When our advance began, we mustered a 
hundred and ten thousand men. Exclusive of those 
who do not take part in a battle, we could have easily 
brought eighty thousand men into action. We began 
the siege of Corinth with every confidence in our ability 
to succeed. 

In this advance, we first learned how an army should 
intrench itself. Every time we took a new position, we 
proceeded to throw up earth-works. Before the siege 
was ended, our men had perfected themselves in the art 
of intrenching. The defenses we erected will long re- 
main as monuments of the war in "Western Tennessee. 
Since General HaUeck, no other commander has shown 
such ability to fordfy in an open field against an ene- 
my that was acting on the defensive. 

It was generally proclaimed that we were to capture 
Corinth with all its garrison of sixty or seventy thousand 
men. The civilian observers could not understand how 
this was to be accomplished, as the Rebels had two lines 
of railway open for a safe retreat. It was like the old 
story of " bagging Price" in Missouri. Every part of 
the bag, except the top arid one side, was carefully closed 
and closely watched. XJnmilitary men were skeptical, 



166 AN ADVOCATE OF TEMPERANCE. 

but tlie military heads assured them it was a piece of 
grand strategy, which the public must not be allowed 
to understand. 

During the siege, there was very little for a; journalist 
to record. One day was much like another. Occasion- 
ally there would be a collision with the enemy's pick- 
et's, or a short struggle for a certain position, usually 
ending in our possession of the disputed point. The 
battle of Farmington, on the left of our line, was the 
only engagement worthy the name, and this was of com- 
paratively short duration. Twenty-four hours after 
it transpired we ceased to talk about it, and made 
only occasional reference to the event. There were four 
weeks of monotony. An advance of a half mile daily 
was not calculated to excite the nerves. 

The chaplains and the surgeons busied themselves in 
looking after the general health of the army. One day, 
a chaplain, noted for his advocacy of total abstinence, 
passed the camp of the First Michigan Battery. This 
company was raised in Coldwater, Michigan, and the 
camp-chests, caissons, and other property were marked 
"Loomis's Coldwater Battery." The chaplain at once 
sought Captain Loomis, and paid a high compliment to 
his moral courage in taking a firm and noble stand in 
favor of temperance. After the termination of the inter- 
view, the captain and several friends drank to the long 
life of the chaplain and the success of the " Coldwater 
Battery." 

Toward the end of the siege, Greneral Halleck gave 
the journalists a sensation, by expelling them from his 



H ALLEGE AND THE PRESS. 167 

lines. The representatives of tlie Press held a meeting, 
and waited upon that officer, after the appearance of the 
order requiring their departure. They offered a protest, 
which was insolently rejected. We could not ascertain 
Greneral Halleck's purpose in excluding us just as the 
campaign was closing, iDut concluded he desired we 
should not witness the end of the siege in which so 
much had been promised and so little accomplished. A 
week after our departure. General Beauregard evacu- 
ated Corinth, and our army took possession. The fruits 
of the victory were an empty village, a few hundred 
stragglers, and a small quantity of war materiel. 

From Corinth the Rebels retreated to Tupelo, Missis- 
sippi, where they threw up defensive works. The Rebel 
Government censured General Beauregard for abandon- 
ing Corinth. The evacuation of that point uncovered 
Memphis, and allowed it to fall into our hands. 

Beauregard was removed from command. General 
Joseph E. Johnston was assigned to duty in his stead. 
This officer proceeded to reorganize his army, with a 
view to offensive operations against our lines. He made 
no demonstrations of importance until the summer 
months had passed away. 

The capture of Corinth terminated the offensive por- 
tion of the campaign. Our army occupied the line of 
the Memphis and Charleston Railway from Corinth to 
Memphis, and made a visit to Holly Springs without 
encountering the enemy. A few cavalry expeditions 
were made into Mississippi, but they accomplished 
nothing of importance. The Army of the Tennessee 



168 EXD OF THE CAMPAIGN?". 

went into summer-quarters. The Army of the Ohio, 
under General Buell, returned to its projper department, 
to confront the Rebel armies then assembling in Eastern 
Tennessee. General Halleck was summoned to Wash- 
ington ag commander-in-chief of the armies of the United 
States. 



ISLAND NUMBER TEK 169 



CHAPTER XYI. 

CAPTURE OF FORT PILLOW AND BATTLE OP MEMPHIS. 

The Siege of Fort Pillow. — General Pope. — His Reputation for Verac- 
ity. — Capture of the "Ten Thousaud." — Naval Battle above Fort 
Pillow. — The John H. Dickey. — Occupation of the Fort. — General 
Forrest. — Strength of the Fortifications. — Their Location. — Ran- 
dolph, Tennessee. — Memphis and her Last Ditch. — Opening of the 
Naval Combat. — Gallant Action of Colonel Ellet. — Fate of the 
Rebel Fleet. — The People Viewing the Battle. — Their Conduct. 

While I was tarrying at Cairo, after the exodus of 
the journalists from the army "before Corinth, the situa- 
tion on the Mississippi became interesting. After the 
capture of Island !N'umber Ten, General Pope was 
ordered to Pittsburg Landing with his command. When 
called away, he was preparing to lay siege to Fort Pil- 
low, in order to open the river to Memphis, His suc- 
cess at Island ISTumber Ten had won him much credit, 
and he was anxious to gain more of the same article. 
Had he taken Fort Pillow, he would have held the 
honor of being the captor of Memphis, as that city must 
have fallen with the strong fortifications which served 
as its protection. 

The capture of Island Number Ten was marked by 
the only instance of a successful canal from one bend of 
the Mississippi to another. As soon as the channel was 
completed, General Pope took his transports below the 



170 GENERAL POPE'S VERACITY. 

island, ready for moving liis men. Admiral Foote tried 
tlie first experiment of running his gun-lDoats past the 
Rebel batteries, and was completely successful. The 
Rebel transports could not escape, neither could trans- 
ports or gun-boats come up from Memphis to remove the 
Rebel army. There was a lake in the rear of the Rebels 
which prevented their retreat. The whole force, some 
twenty-eight hundred, was surrendered, with all its 
arms and munitions of war. General Pope reported his 
captures somewhat larger than they really were, and 
received much applause for his success. 

The reputation of this ofiicer, on the score of veracity, 
has not been of the highest character. After he assumed 
command in Yirginia, his "Order Number Five" drew 
uj^on him much ridicule. Probably the story of the 
capture of ten thousand prisoners, after the occupation 
of Corinth, has injured him more than all other exagger- 
ations combined. The paternity of that choice bit of 
romance belongs to General Halleck, instead of General 
Pope. Colonel Elliott, who commanded the cavalry 
expedition, which General Pope sent out when Corinth 
was occupied, forwarded a dispatch to Pope, something 
like the following : — 

" I am still pursuing the enemy. The woods are full of stragglers. 
Some of my oflScers estimate their number as high as ten thousand. 
Many have already come into my lines." 

Pope sent this dispatch, without alteration, to Gen- 
eral Halleck. From the latter it went to the country 
that "General Pope reported ten thousand prisoners 
captured below Corinth." It served to cover up the 



BATTLE NEAR FORT PILLOW. 171 

"barrenness of tlie Corinth occupation, and put the pub- 
lic in good -humor. General Halleck received credit for 
the success of his plans. When it came out that no 
prisoners of consequence had been taken, the real author 
of the story escaped unharmed. 

At the time of his departure to re-enforce the army 
before Corinth, General Pope left but a single brigade 
of infantry, to act in conjunction with our naval forces 
in the siege of Fort Pillow. This brigade was encamped 
on the Arkansas shore opposite Fort Pillow, and did 
some very effective fighting against the musquitos, 
which that country produces in the greatest profusion. 
An attack on the fort, with such a small force, was out 
of the question, and the principal aggressive work was 
done by the navy at long range. 

On the 10th of May, the Rebel fleet made an attack 
upon our navy, in which they sunk two of our gun- 
boats, the Mound City and the Cincinnati, and returned 
to the protection of Fort Pillow with one of their own 
boats disabled, and two others somewhat damaged. Our 
sunken gun-boats were fortunately in shoal water, where 
they were speedily raised and repaired. Neither fleet 
had much to boast of as the result of that- engagement. 

The journalists who were watching Fort Pillow, had 
their head-quarters on board the steamer John H. Dickey, 
which was anchored in midstream. At the time of the 
approach of the Eebel gun- boats, the Diclcey was lying 
without sufiicient steam to move her wheels, and the 
prospect was good that she might be captured or de- 
stroyed. Her commander. Captain Musselman, declared 



172 OxVPTURE OF THE FORT. 

he was not in that place to stop cannou-shot, and made 
every exertion to get his boat in condition to move. His 
efforts were fully appreciated by the journalists, particu- 
larly as they were successful. The Dickey, under the 
same captain, afterward ran a battery near Randolph, 
Tennessee, and though pierced in every part by cannon- 
shot and musket-balls, she escaped without any loss of 
life. 

As soon as the news of the evacuation of Corinth 
was received at Cairo, we looked for the speedy capture 
of Fort Pillow. Accordingly, on the 4th of June, I pro- 
ceeded down the river, arriving off Fort Pillow on the 
morning of the 5th. The Rebels had left, as we ex- 
pected, after spiking their guns and destroying most of 
their ammunition. The first boat to reach the abandoned 
fort was the Hetty Ollmore, one of the smallest transports 
in the fleet. She landed a little party, which took pos- 
session, hoisted the flag, and declared the fort, and all 
it contained, the property of the United States. The 
Rebels were, by this time, several miles distant, in full 
retreat to a safer location. 

It was at this same fort, two years later, that the 
Rebel General Forrest ordered the massacre of a garrison 
that had surrendered after a prolonged defense. His 
only plea for this cold-blooded slaughter, was that some 
of his men had been fired upon after the white fiag was 
raised. The testimony in proof of this barbarity was 
fully conclusive, and gave General Forrest and his men 
a reputation that no honorable soldier could desire. 

In walking through the fort after its capture, I was 



OCCUPATIOJT OF RANDOLPH. 173 

struck by its strength and extent. It occupied tlie base 
of a bluff near the water's edge. On the summit of the 
bluff there were breast-works running in a zigzag course 
for live or six miles, and inclosing a large area. The 
works along the river were very strong, and could 
easily hold a powerful fleet at bay. 

From Fort Pillow to Randolph, ten miles lower 
down, was less than an hour's steaming. Randolph 
was a small, worthless village, partly at the base of a 
bluff, and partly on its summit. Here the Rebels had 
erected a powerful fort, which they abandoned when 
they abandoned Fort Pillow. The inhabitants expressed 
much agreeable astonishment on finding that we did not 
verify all the statements of the Rebels, concerning the 
barbarity of the Yankees wherever they set foot on 
Southern soil. The town was most bitterly disloyal. 
It was afterward burned, in punishment for decoying a 
steamboat to the landing, and then attemptiPag her cap- 
ture and destruction. A series of blackened chimneys 
now marks the site of Randolph. 

Our capture of these points occurred a short time 
after the Rebels issued the famous "cotton-burning 
order," commanding all planters to burn their cotton, 
rather than allow it to fall into our hands. The people 
showed no particular desire to comply with the order, 
except in a few instances. Detachments of Rebel cav- 
alry were sent to enforce obedience. They enforced it 
by setting fire to the cotton in presence of its owners. 
On both banks of the river, as we moved from Ran- 
dolph to Memphis, we could see the smoke arising from 



174 THE LAST DITCH. 

plantations, or from secluded spots in the forest where 
cotton had been concealed. In many cases the hales 
were broken open and rolled into the river, dotting 
the stream with floating cotton. Had it then possessed 
the value that attached to it two years later, I fear there 
would have been many attempts to save it for transfer 
to a Northern market. 

On the day before the evacuation of Fort Pillow, 
Memphis determined she would never surrender. In 
conjunction with other cities, she fitted up several 
gun-boats, that were expected to annihilate the Yankee 
fleet. In the event of the failure of this means of de- 
fense, the inhabitants were pledged to do many dread- 
ful things before submitting to the invaders. Had we 
placed any confidence in the resolutions passed by tlie 
Memphians, we should have expected all the denizens 
of the Bluff" City to commit hari-'kari, after first setting 
fire to their dwellings. 

On the morning of the 6th of June, the Rebel gun- 
boats, eight in number, took their position just above 
Memphis, and prepared for the advance of our fleet. 
The Rebel boats were the Van Born (flag- ship), Gen- 
eral Price, General Bragg, General Lo'vell, Little lichet, 
Jeff. Thompson, Sumter, and General Beauregard. 
The General Bragg was the ISTew Orleans and Galves- 
ton steamer Mexico in former days, and had been 
strengthened, plated, and, in other ways . made as 
effective as possible for Avarlike purposes. The balance 
of the fleet consisted of tow-boats from the Lower Mis- 
sissippi, fitted upas rams and gun-boats. They were 



THE BATTLE BEFORE MEMPHIS. 175 

supplied with, very powerful engines, and were able to 
choose their positions in the battle. The Rebel fleet 
was commanded by Commodore Montgomery, who was 
well known to many persons on our own boats. 

The National boats were the iron-clads Benton, Ca- 
Tondelet, St. Louis, Louisville, and Cairo. There was 
also the ram fleet, commanded by Colonel Ellet. It com- 
prised the Monarch, Queen of the West, Lioness, Switz- 
erland, Mingo, Lancaster No. 3, Fulton, Horner, and 
Samson. The Monarch and Queen of the West were 
the only boats of the ram fleet that took part in the 
action. Our forces wer^ commanded by Flag-oflicer 
Charles H. Davis, who succeeded Admiral Foote at the 
time of the illness of the latter. 

The land forces, acting in conjunction with our fleet, 
consisted of a single brigade of infaatry, that was still 
at Fort Pillow. It did not arrive in the vicinity of 
Memphis until after the battle was over. 

Early in the morning the battle began. It was open- 
ed by the gun-boats on the Eebel side, and for some 
minutes consisted of a cannonade at long range, in 
which very little was effected. Gradually the boats 
drew nearer to each other, and made better use of their 
guns. 

Before they arrived at close quarters the rams 
Monarch and Queen of the West steamed forward and 
engaged in the fight. Their participation was most 
effective. The Queen of the West struck and disabled 
one of the Rebel gun-boats, and was herself disabled by 
the force of the blow. The Monarch steered straight 



176 COMBAT OF THE BOATS. 

for the General Lonell, and dealt her a tremendous 
How, fairJy in the side, just aft the wheel. The sides 
of the Lovell were crushed as if they had been made of 
paper, and the boat sank in less than three minutes, in a 
spot where the plummet shows a depth of ninety feet. 

Grappling with the Beauregard, the Monarch opened 
upon her with a stream of hot water and a shower of 
rifle-balls, which efiectually prevented the latter from 
"using a gun. In a- few moments she cast oflT. and 
drifted a short distance down the river. Coming up 
on the other side, the Monarch dealt her antagonist a 
blow that left her in a sinliin^ condition. Herself com- 
paratively uninjured, she paused to allow the gun-boats 
to take a part. Those insignificant and unwieldy rams 
had placed three of the enemy's gun-boats hors de com- 
tat in less than a e[uarter of an hour' s time. 

Our gun-boats ceased firing as the rams entered the 
fight ; but they now reopened. With shot and shell 
the guns were rapidly served. The efifect was soon ap- 
parent. One Rebel boat was disabled and abandoned, 
after grounding opposite Memphis. A second was 
grounded and blown up, and two others were disabled, 
abandoned, and captured. 

It was a good morning' s work. The first gun was 
fired at forty minutes past five o' clock, and the last at 
forty-three minutes past six. The Rebels boasted they 
would whip us before breakfast. We had taken no 
breakfast when the fight began. After the battle was 
over we enjoyed our morning meal with a relish that 
does not usually accompany defeat. 



THE EESULT. 177 

The following sliows the condition of the two fleets 
after the battle : — 

THE EEBEL FLEET. 

General Beauregard, sunk. 
General Lovell, sunk. 
General Price, injured and captured. 
Little Rebel, " " " 

Sumter, " " " 

General Bragg, " " " 

Jeff. Thompson, burned. 
General Van Born, escaped. 

THE NATIONAL FLEET. 

Benton, unhurt. 

Carondelet, " 

St. Louis, " 

Louisville, " 

Cairo, " 

Monarch (ram), unhurt. 

Queen of the West (ram), disabled. 

The captured vessels were refitted, and, without al- 
teration of names, attached to the ISTational fleet. The 
Sumter was lost a few months later, in consequence of 
running aground near the Rebel batteries in the vicinity 
of Bayou Sara. The Bragg was one of the best boats 
in the service in point of speed, and proved of much 
value as a dispatch-steamer on the lower portion of the 
river. 

The people of Memphis rose at an early hour to wit- 
ness the naval combat. It had been generally known 
during 'the previous night that the battle would begin 
about' sunrise. The first gun brought a large crowd to 
the bluff overlooking the river, whence a full view of 

12 



178 SPECTATORS OF THE BATTLE. 

the figlit was obtained. Some of the spectators were 
loyal, and wished success to the National fleet, but the 
great majority were animated by a strong hope and ex- 
pectation of our defeat. 

A gentleman, who was of the lookers-on, subse- 
quently told me of the conduct of the populace. As 
a matter of course, the disloyalists had all the conversa- 
tion their own way. While they expressed their wishes 
in the loudest tones, no one uttered a word in opposition. 
Many offered wagers on the success of their fleet, and ex- 
pressed a readiness to give large odds. No one dared 
accept these ofiers, as theu' acceptance would have been 
an evidence of sympathy for the Yankees. Americans 
generally, but particularly in the South, make their 
wagers as they hope or wish. In the present instance 
no man was allowed to "copper" on the Rebel flotilla. 



JEFF THOMPSON LOOKING ON. 179 



CHAPTER XVII. 

.IN MELIPHIS AND UNDER THE FLAG. 

Jeff. Thompson and his Predictions. — A Cry of Indignation. — MempLia 
Humiliated. — The Journalists in the Battle. — The Surrender. — A 
Fine Point of Law and Honor. — Going on Shore. — An Enraged 
Secessionist. — A Dangerous Enterprise. — Memphis and her Antece- 
dents. — Her Loyalty. — An Amusing Incident. — How the Natives 
learned of the Capture of Fort Donelson. — The Last Ditch. — A 
Farmer- Abolitionist. — Disloyalty among the "Women, — "Blessings 
in Disguise." — An American Mark Tapley. 

The somewliat widely (though not favorably) known 
Rebel cliieftain, Jeff. Thompson, was in Memphis on 
the day of the battle, and boasted of the easy yictory 
the Rebels would have over the JSTational fleet. 

"We will chaw them up in just an hour," said 
Jeff., as the battle began. 

" Are you sure of that f asked a friend. 

" Certainly I am ; there is no doubt of it," Turning 
to a servant, he sent for his horse, in order, as' he said, 
to be able to move about rapidly to the best points for 
witnessing the engagement. 

In an hour and three minutes the battle was over, 
Jeff, turned in his saddle, and bade his friend farewell, 
saying he had a note falling due that day at Holly 
Springs, and was going out to pay it. The "chawing 
up " of our fleet was not referred to again. 

As the Monarch struck the Lomll, sinking iho, latter 



180 DISAPPOINTMENT. 

in deep water, the crowd stood "breathless. As the crew 
of the sunken boat were floating helplessly in the strong 
current, and our own skiffs were putting off to aid them, 
there was hardly a word uttered through all that multi- 
tude. As the Rebel boats, one after another, were sunk 
or captured, the sympathies of the spectators found vent 
in words. When, at length, the last of the Rebel fleet 
disappeared, and the Union flotilla spread its flags in 
triumph, there went up an almost universal yell of 
indignation from that vast crowd. Women tore their 
bonnets from their heads, and trampled them on the 
ground ; men stamped and swore as only infuriated 
Rebels can, and called for all known misfortunes to 
settle upon the heads of their invaders. The profanity 
was not entirely monopolized by the men. 

This scene of confusion lasted for some time, and 
ended in anxiety to know what we would do next. 
Some of the spectators turned away, and went, in 
sullen silence, to their homes. Others remained, out 
of curiosity, to witness the end of the day' s work. A 
few were secretly rejoicing at the result, but the time 
had not come when they could display their sympathies. 
The crowd eagerly watched our fleet, and noted every 
motion of the various boats. 

The press correspondents occupied various positions 
during the engagement. Mr. Coffin, of the Boston Jour- 
nal^ was on the tug belonging to the flag-ship, and had 
a fine view of the whole affair. One of The Herald 
correspondents was in the jDilot-house " of the gun-boat 
Cairo, wliile Mr. Colburn, of The World, was on the 



OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE. 181 

captured steamer Sowreign. ' ' Junius," of TJie Tribune, 
and Mr. Vizitelly, of tlie London Illustrated News, with 
several others, were on the transport Dickey, the gener- 
al rendezvous of the journalists. The representative of 
the St. Louis RepuMican and myself were on the Platte 
Valley, in rear of the line of battle. The Platte Valley 
was the first private boat that touched the Memphis 
landing after the capture of the city. 

The battle being over, we were anxious to get on 
shore and look at the people and city of Memphis. 
Shortly after the fighting ceased. Colonel Ellet sent the 
ram Lioness, under a flag-of-truce, to demand the sur- 
render of the city. To this demand no response was 
given. A little later, Flag-Ofiicer Davis sent the follow- 
ing note to the Mayor, at the hands of one of the officers 
of the gun-boat Benton : — 

United States Flag-Steamek Benton, ) 
• Off Memphis, June 6, 1862. ) " * 

SiE : — I have respectfully to request that you will surrender the city 
of Memphis to the authority of the United States, which I have the 
honor to represent. 

I am, Mr. Mayor, with high respect, your most obedient servant, 

C. H. Davis, 
Flag- Officer Commanding. 
To his Honor, the Mayor of Memphis. 

To this note the following reply was received : — 

Mayor's Office, Memphis, June 6, 1862. 
0. H. Davis, Flag- Officer Commanding: 

Silt : — Your note of this date is received and contents noted. 
In reply I have only to say that, as the civil authorities have no 
means of defense, by the force of circumstances the city is in your 
hands. Respectfully, 

John Park, Mayor of MempMs. 



182 GOING ON" SHORE. 

At the meeting, four days before, the citizens of 
Memphis had solemnly pledged themselves never to 
surrender. There was a vague understanding that 
somebody was to do a large amount of fighting, when- 
ever Memi^his was attacked. If this fighting proved 
useless, the city was to be fired in every house, and 
only abandoned after its complete destruction. It will 
be seen that the note of the mayor, in response to a de- 
mand for surrender, vindicates the honor of Memphis. 
It merely informs the United States ofiicer that the city 
has fallen "by the force of circumstances." Since that 
day I have, frequently heard its citizens boast that the 
place was not surrendered. "You came in," say they, 
"and took possession, but we did not give up to you. 
We declared we would never surrender, and we kept 
our word." 

About eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the transports 
'arrived with our infantry, and attempted to make a 
landing. As their mooring-lines were thrown on shore 
they were seized by dozens of persons in the crowd, and 
the crews were saved the trouble of making fast. This 
was an evidence that the laboring class, the men with 
blue shirts and shabby hats, were not disloyal. We 
had abundant evidence of this when our occupation be- 
came a fixed ftict. It was genemlly the wealthy who 
adhered to the Rebel cause. 

As a file of soldiers moved into the city, the people 
stood at a respectful distance, occasionally giving forth 
wordy expression of their anger. When I reached the 
oflice of The Axalanche, one of the leading journals of 



A FLAG NAILED TO THE MAST. 183 

Mempliis, and, of course, strongly disloyal, I found the 
soldiers removing a Rebel flag from the roof of the build- 
ing. The owner of the banner made a very vehement 
objection to the proceeding. His indignation was so 
great that his friends were obliged to hold him, to pre- 
vent his throwing himself on the bayonet of the nearest 
soldier. I saw him several days later, when his anger 
had somewhat cooled. He found relief from his troubles, 
before the end of June, by joining the Rebel army at 
Holly Springs. 

On the bluff above the levee was a tall flag-staff. The 
Rebels had endeavored to make sure of their courage by 
nailing a flag to the top of this staff. A sailor from one 
of the gun-boats volunteered to ascend the staff and bring 
down the banner. When he had ascended about twenty 
feet, he saw two rifles bearing upon him from the win- 
dow of a neighboring building. The sailor concluded it 
was best to go no further, and descended at once. The 
staff was cut down and the obnoxious flag secured. 

With the city in our possession, we had leisure to 
look about us. Memphis had been in the West what 
Charleston was in the East : an active worker in the se- 
cession cause. Her newspapers had teemed with abuse 
of every thing which oj)posed their heresy, and advo- 
cated the most summary measures. Lynching had been 
frequent and never rebuked, impressments were of daily 
and nightly occurrence, every foundery and manufac- 
tory had been constantly employed by the Rebel author- 
ities, and every citizen had, in some manner, contributed 
to the insurrection. It was gratifying in the extreme to 



184 KATIVE LOYALTY. 

see the Memphis, of which we at Cairo and St. Lonis 
had heard so much, brought under our control. The 
picture of five United States gun-boats lying in line be- 
fore the city, their ports open and their guns shotted, 
was pleasing in the eyes of loyal men. 

Outside of the poorer classes there were some loyal 
persons, but their number was not large. There were 
many professing loyalty, who possessed very little 
of the article, and whose record had been exceedingly 
doubtful. Prominent among these were the politicians, 
than whom none had been more self-sacrificing, if their 
own words could be believed. 

There were many men of this class ready, no doubt, 
to swear allegiance to the victorious side, who joined 
our standard because they considered the Rebel cause a 
losing one. They may have become loyal since that time, 
but it has been only through the force of circumstances. 
In many cases our Government accepted their words 
as proof of loyalty, and granted these persons many ex- 
clusive privileges. It was a matter of comment that 
a newly converted loyalist could obtain favors at the 
hands of Government officials, that would be refused to 
men from the North. The acceptance of office under the 
Rebels, and the earnest advocacy he had shown for se- 
cession, were generally alleged to have taken place un- 
der compulsion, or in the interest of the really loyal men. 

A Memphis gentleman gave me an amusing account 
of the recejDtion of the news of the fall of Fort Donelson. 
Many boasts had been made of the terrible punishment 
that was in store for our army, if it ventured an attack 



HOW BAD NEWS WAS RECEIVED. 185 

npon Fort Donelson. N'o one would be allowed to 
escape to tell tlie tale. All were to be slauglitered, or 
lodged in Rebel prisons. Memphis was consequently 
waiting for tlie best tidings from the Cumberland, and 
did not think it possible a reverse could come to the 
Rebel cause. 

One Sunday morning, the telegraph, without any 
previous announcement, flashed the intelligence that 
Fort Donelson, with twelve thousand men, had surren- 
dered, and a portion of General Grant's army was mov- 
ing on Nashville, with every prospect of capturing that 
city. Memphis was in consternation. No one could tell 
how long the Yankee armj^- would stop at Nashville be- 
fore moving elsewhere, and it was certain that Memphis 
was uncovered by the fall of Fort Donelson. 

My informant first learned the inijportant tidings in 
the rotunda of the Gayoso House. Seeing a group of his 
acquaintances with faces depicting the utmost gloom, he 
asked what was the matter. 

"Bad enough," said one. "Fort Donelson has sur- 
rendered with nearly all its garrison." 

"That is terrible," said my friend, assuming a look 
of agony, though he was inwardly elated. 

"Yes, and the enemy are moving on Nashville." 

" Horrible news," was the response ; " but let us not 
be too despondent. Our men are good for them, one 
against three, and they will never get out of Nashville 
alive, if they should happen to take it." 

With another expression of deep sorrow at the mis- 
fortune which had befallen the Rebel army, this gentle- 



186 A PERPLEXING QUESTION. 

man hastened to convey the glad news to his friends. 
"I reached home," said he, "locked my front door, 
called my wife and sister into the parlor, and instantly 
jumped over the center-table. They both cried for joy 
when I told them the old flag floated over Donelson." 

The Secessionists in Memphis, like their brethren 
elsewhere, insisted that all the points we had captured 
were given up because they had no further use for them. 
The evacuation of Columbus, Fort Pillow, Fort Henry, 
and Bowling Green, with the surrender of Donelson, 
were parts of the grand strategy of the Rebel leaders, 
and served to lure us on to our destruction. They 
would never admit a defeat, but contended we had 
invariably suffered. 

An uneducated farmer, on the route followed by one 
of our armies in Tennessee, told our officers that a Rebel 
general and his staff had taken dinner with him during 
the retreat from Nashville. The fanner was anxious to 
learn something about the military situation, and asked 
a Rebel major how the Confederate cause was progress- 
ing. 

"Splendidly," answered the major. "We have 
whipped the Yankees in every battle, and our inde- 
pendence will soon be recognized." 

The farmer was thoughtful for a minute or two, and 
then deliberately said : 

" I don't know much about war, but if we are always 
whipping the Yankees, how is it they keep coming down 
into our country after every battle ?" 

The major grew red in the face, and told the faiTaer 



THE SOUTH ALWAYS VICTORIOUS. 187 

that any man wlio asked sucli an absurd question was 
an Abolitionist, and deserved hanging to the nearest 
tree. The farmer was silenced, but not satisfied. 

I had a fine illustration of the infatuation of the Rebel 
sympathizers, a few days after Memphis was captured. 
One evening, while making a visit at the house of an 
acquaintance, the hostess introduced me to a young lady 
of the strongest secession proclivities. Of course, I en- 
deavored to avoid ^^he topics on which we were certain 
to differ, but my new acquaintance was determined to 
provoke a discussion. With a few preliminaries, she 
threAv out the question : 

"Now, don't you think the Southern soldiers have 
shown themselves the bravest people that ever lived, 
while the Yankees have proved the greatest cowards?" 

"I can hardly agree with you," I replied. "Your 
people have certainly established a reputation on the 
score of bravery, but we can claim quite as much." 

"But we have whipped you in every battle. We 
whipped you at Manassas and Ball's Bluff, and we 
whipped General Grant at Belmont." 

" That is very true ; but how was it at Shiloh?" 

" At Shiloh we whipped you ; we drove you to your 
gun-boats, which was all we wanted to do." 

"Ah, I beg your pardon ; but what is your impres- 
sion of Fort Donelson ?" 

"Fort Donelson!"— and my lady's cheek flushed 
with either pride or indignation— "Fort Donelson was 
an unquestioned victory for the South. We stopped 
your army— all we wanted to ; and then General For- 



188 BLESSINGS m DISGUISE. 

rest, General Floyd, and all the trooj)s we wished to 
bring off, came away. We only left General Buckner 
and three thousand men for you to capture." 

"It seems, then, we labored under a delusion at the 
North. We thought we had something to rejoice over 
when Fort Donelson fell. But, pray, what do you con- 
sider the capture of Island ISTumber Ten and the naval 
battle here ?" 

At Island Ten we defeated you" (how this was done 
she did not say), " and we were victorious here. You 
wanted to capture all our boats ; but you only got four 
of them, and those were damaged." 

"In your view of the case," I replied, "I admit the 
South to have been always victorious. Without wish- 
ing to be considered disloyal to the Nation, I can heartily 
wish you many similar victories." 

In the tour which Dickens records, Mark Tapley 
did not visit the Southern country, but the salient j)oints 
of his character are possessed 'by the sons of the cava- 
liers. "Jolly" under the greatest misfortunes, and ex- 
tracting comfort and hapx^iness from all calamities, your 
true Rebel could never know adversity. The fire which 
consumes his dwelling is a personal boon, as he can 
readily explain. So is a devastating flood, or a wide- 
spread pestilence. The events which narrow-minded 
mudsills are apt to look upon as calamitous, are only 
"blessings in disguise" to every supporter and friend 
of the late " Confederacy." 



THE KEBEL PEESS. 189 



CHAPTER XYIII. 

SUBERVISmG A REBEL JOURNAL. 

Tlie Press of Memphis. — Flight of The Appeal. — A False Prediction. — 
The Argus becomes Loyal. — Order from General "Wallace. — Installed 
in Office. — Lecturing the Eebels. — " Trade follows the Flag." — 
Abuses of Traffic. — Supplying the Rebels. — A Perilous Adventure. — 
Passing the Eebel Lines. — Eluding Watchful Eyes. 

On tlie morning of tlie 6tli of June, tlie newspaper 
publishers, like most other gentlemen of Memphis, were 
greatly alarmed. The Avalanclie and The Argus an- 
nounced that it was impossible for the Yankee fleet to 
cope successfully with the Rebels, and that victory was 
certain to perch upon the banners of the latter. The 
sheets were not dry before the Rebel fleet was a thing 
of the past. Tlie Appeal had not been as hopeful as 
its contemporaries, and thought it the wisest course to 
abandon the city. It moved to Grenada, Mississippi, a 
hundred miles distant, and resumed publication. It 
became a migratory sheet, and was at last captured by 
General Wilson at Columbus, Georgia. In ability it 
ranked among the best of the Rebel journals. 

Tlie Avalanche and The Argus continued publication, 
with a strong leaning to the Rebel side. The former i 
was interfered with by our authorities ; and, under the 
name of The BulletiR, with new editorial management, 
was allowed to reappear. TJie Argus maintained its 



190 SUPERVISING TEE ARGUS. 

Kebel ground, tliougli with moderation, until the mili- 
tary hand fell upon it. Memphis, in the early days of 
our occupation, changed its commander nearly every 
week. One of these changes iDrought Major-General 
Wallace into the city. This officer thought it proper to 
issue the following order : — 

Head-Quaeter3 Third Divisiox, Eeseeved Corps, ) 
Army of Tennessee, Memphis, June 17, 18C2. ) 
Ebitors Daily Argus : — As the closing of your office might be in- 
jurious to you pecuniarily, I send two gentlemen — Messrs. A. D. Eich- 
ardson and Thos. W. Knox, both of ample experience — to take charge 
of the editorial department of your paper. *The business management 
of your office will be left to you. 

Very respectfully, 

Lewis Wallace, 
General Tliird Division^ Reserved Corps. 

The publishers of TJie Argus printed this order at the 
head of their columns. Below it they announced that 
they were not responsible for any thing which should 
appear editorially, as long as the order was in force. 
The business management and the general miscellane- 
ous and news matter were not interfered with. 

Mr. Richardson and myself entered upon our new 
duties immediately. We had crossed the Plains to- 
gether, had published a paper in the Rocky Mountains, 
had been through many adventures and perils side by 
side ; but we had never before managed a newspaper in 
an insurrectionary district. The publishers of Tlie Argus 
greeted us cordially, and our whole intercourse with 
them was harmonious. They did not relish the intru- 
sion of Northern men into their office, to compel the inser- 
tion of Union editorials, but they bore the inconvenience 



LOYALTY FOE DISLOYALISTS. 191 

witli an excellent grace. The foreman of tlie establish- 
ment displayed more mortification at the change, than 
any other person whom we met. 

' The editorials we pnhlished were of a positive char- 
acter. We plainly announced the determination of the 
Government to assert itself and put down and pnnish 
treason. We told the Memphis people that the scheme 
of partisan warfare, which was then in its inception, 
would work more harm than good to the districts where 
guerrilla companies were organized. We insisted that 
the Union armies had entered Memphis and other parts 
of the South, to stay there, and that resistance to their 
power was useless. We credited the Rebels with>.much 
"bravery and devotion to their cause, but asserted always 
that we had the right and the strong arm in our favor. 

It is possible we did not make maiiy conversions 
among the disloyal readers of The Argus, but we had 
the satisfaction of saying what we thought it necessary 
they should hear. The publishers said their subscribers 
were rapidly falling ofi", on account of the change of edi- 
torial tone. Like newspaper readers everywhere, they 
disliked to peruse what their oensciences did not ap. 
prove. We received letters, generally from women, de- 
nying our right to control the columns of the paper for 
our "base purposes." Some of these letters were not 
written after the style of Chesterfield, but the majority 
of them were courteous. 

There were many jests in Memj)his, and throughout 
the country generally, concerning the appointment of 
representatives of Tlie Herald and Tlie Tribime to a po- 



192 JOUENALISTIO HAEMONY. 

sition wliere they must work togetlier. The Herald and 
The Tribune liave not been famous, in the past twenty 
years, for an excess of good-nature toward each other. 
Mr. Bennett and Mr. Greeley are not supposed to par- 
take habitually of the same dinners and wine, or to join 
in frequent games of billiards and poker. The compli- 
ments which the two great dailies occasionally exchange, 
are not calculated to promote an intimate friendship be- 
tween the yenerable gentlemen whose names are so well 
known to the public. I^o one expects these veteran 
editors to emulate the example of Damon and Pythias. 

At the time Mr. Richardson and myself took charge 
of Tlie Argus, The Tribune and The Herald were in- 
dulging in one of their well-known disputes. It was 
much like the Hibernian' s debate, "with sticks," and 
attracted some attention, though it was generally voted 
a nuisance. Many, who did not know us, imagined that 
the new editors of The Argus would follow the tenden- 
cies of the offices from which they bore credentials. 
Several Northern journals came to hand, in which this 
belief was expressed. A Chicago paper j)ublished two 
articles supposed to be in the same issue of The Argus, 
differing totally in every line of argument or statement 
of fact. One editor argued that the harmonious occu- 
pancy of contiguous desks by the reiDresentatives of 
TJie Herald and The Tribune, betokened the aj^proach 
of the millennium. 

When he issued the order placing us in charge of 
TJie Argus, General Wallace assured its proprietors that 
he should remove the editorial supervision as soon as a 



"TEADE FOLLOWS THE FLAG.* 193 

Union paper was established in Mempliis. This event 
occurred in a short time, and The Argus was restored to 
its original management, according to promise. 

- As soon as the capture of Memphis was known at 
the iNTorth, there was an eager scramble to secure the 
trade of the long-blockaded port. Several boat-loads 
of goods were shipped from St. Louis and Cincinnati, 
and Memphis was so rapidly filled that the supply was 
far greater than the demand. 

Army and Treasury regulations were soon established, 
and many restrictions placed upon traffic. The restric- 
tions did not materially diminish the quantity of goods, 
but they served to throw the trade into a few hands, and 
thus open the way for much favoritism. Those who ob- 
tained permits, thought the system an excellent one. 
Those who were kept "out in the cold," viewed the 
matter in a different light. A thousand stories of dis- 
honesty, official and unofficial, were in constant circula- 
tion, and I fear that many of them came very near the 
truth. 

In our occupation of cities along the Mississippi, the 
Eebels found a ready supply from our markets. Thi*s 
was especially the case at Memphis. Boots and shoes 
passed through the lines in great numbers, either by 
stealth or by open permit, and were taken at once to the 
Rebel army. Cloth, clothing, percussion-caps, and simi- 
lar articles went in the same direction. General Grant 
and other prominent officers made a strong opposition to 
our policy, and advised the suppression of the Rebellion 
prior to the opening of trade, but their protestations 

13 



194 A DANGEROUS JOURNEY. 

were of no avail. We chastised the Kebels with one 
hand, while we fed and clothed them with the other.-'" 

After the capture of Memphis, Colonel Charles E. 
Ellet, with two boats of the ram fleet, proceeded to 
explore the river between Memphis and Vickshurg. 
It was not known what defenses the Rebels might have 
constructed along this distance of four hundred miles. 
Colonel Ellet found no hinderance to his progress, except 
a small field battery near Napoleon, Arkansas. When 
a few miles above Vicksburg, he ascertained that a 
portion of Admiral Farragut's fleet was below that 
point, preparing to attack the city. He at once determ- 
ined to open communication with the lower fleet. 

Oijposite Yicksburg there is a long and narrow 
peninsula, around which the Mississippi makes a bend. 
It is a mile and a quarter across the neck of this penin- 
sula, while it is sixteen miles around by the course of 
the river. It was impossible to pass around by the 
Mississippi, on account of the batteries at Vicksburg. 
The Rebels were holding the peninsula with a small 
force of infantry and cavalry, to prevent our efiecting a 
landing. By careful management it was possible to 
elude the sentinels, and cross from one side of the 
peninsula to thepther. 

Colonel Ellet armed himself to make the attempt. 
He took only a few documents to prove his identity as 
soon as he reached Admiral Farragut. A little- before 
daylight, one morning, he started on his perilous jour- 
ney. He waded through swamps, toiled among the 
thick undergrowth in a portion of the forest, was fired 



HOW TO CONCEAL DISPATCHES. 195 

upon by a Rebel picket, and narrowly escaped drown- 
ing in crossing a bayou. He was compelled to make a 
wide detour, to avoid capture, and thus extended his 
journey to nearly a half-dozen miles. 

On reaching the bank opposite one of our gun-boats, 
he found a yawl near the shore, by which he was 
promptly taken on board. The officers of this gun-boat 
suspected him of being a spy, and placed him under 
^uard. It was not until the arrival of Admiral Farragut 
that his true character became known. 

After a long interview with that officer he prepared 
to return. He concealed dispatches for the oSTavy De- 
partment and for Flag- Officer Davis in the lining of his 
boots and in the wristbands of his shirt. A file of 
marines escorted him as far as they could safely ven- 
ture, and then bade him farewell. N"ear the place 
where he had left his own boat. Colonel Ellet found a 
small party of Rebels, carefully watching from a spot 
where they could not be easily discovered. It was a 
matter of some difficulty to elude these men, but he did 
it successfully, and reached his boat in safety. He pro- 
ceeded at once to Memphis with his dispatches. Flag- 
Officer Davis immediately decided to co-operate with 
Admiral Farragut, in the attempt to capture Vicks- 
burg. 

Shortly after the capture of 'New Orleans, Admiral 
Farragut ascended the Mississippi as far as Yicksburg. 
At that time the defensive force was very small, and 
there were but few batteries erected. The Admiral felt 
confident of his ability to silence the Rebel guns, but he 



196 ERECTING DEFENSES AT VIOKSBURG. 

was unaccompanied by a land force to occupy tlie city 
after its capture. He was reluctantly compelled to re- 
turn to New Orleans, and wait until troops could Ibe 
spared from General Butler's command. The Rebels 
improved their opportunities, and concentrated a large 
force to put Yicksburg in condition for defense. Heavy 
guns were brought from various points, earth-works 
were thrown up on all sides, and the town became a 
t'ast fortification. When the fleet returned at the end 
of June, the Rebels were ready to receive it. Their 
strongest works were on the banks of the Mississippi. 
They had no dread of an attack from the direction ot 
Jackson, until long afterward. 

Vicksburg was the key to the possession of the Mis- 
sissippi. The Rebel authorities at Richmond ordered it 
defended as long as defense was possible. 



DOWN THE EIVER. 197 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE FIRST SIEGE OP YICKSBURa. 

From Memphis to Vicksburg. — Running the Batteries. — Our Inability 
to take Vicksburg by Assault. — Digging a Canal. — A Conversation 
with Resident Secessionists. — Their Arguments j9r(? and con, and the 
Answers they Received. — A Curiosity of Legislation. — An Expedi- 
tion up the Yazoo. — Destruction of the Rebel Fleet. — The Arkansas 
Running the Gauntlet. — A Spirited Encounter. — A Gallant Attempt. 
— Raising the Siege. — Fate of the ArTcansas. 

Oisr tlie 1st of July, Ileft Memphis with the Missis- 
sippi flotilla, and arrived above Vicksburg late on the 
following day. Admiral Farragut's fleet attempted the 
passage of the batteries on the 28th of June. A portion 
of the fleet succeeded in the attempt, under a heavy fire, 
and gained a position above the peninsula. Among the 
first to efiect a passage was the flag-ship Hartford, with 
the "gallant old salamander" on board. The liich- 
Qiiond, Iroquois, and Oneida were the sloops-of-war that 
accompanied the Hartford. The Brooldyn and other 
heavy vessels remained below. 

The history of that first siege of Vicksburg can be 
briefly told. Twenty-five hundred infantry, under Gen- 
eral Williams, accompanied the fleet from New Or- 
leans, with the design of occuiDying Vicksburg after the 
batteries had been silenced by our artillery. Most of 
the Rebel guns were located at such a height that it was 
found impossible to elevate our own guns so as to reach 



198 MAKING A CANAL. 

fhem. Thus the occupation by infantry was found 
impracticalble. The passage of the batteries Avas fol- 
lowed by the bombardment, from the mortar-schooners 
of Admiral Farragut's fleet and the mortar-rafts wliich 
Flag-OfRcer Davis had brought down. This continued 
steadily for several days, but Yicksburg did not fall. 

A canal across the peninsula was proposed and com- 
menced. The water fell as fast as the digging pro- 
gressed, and the plan of leaving Vicksburg inland was 
abandoned for that time. Even had there been a 
flood in the river, the entrance to. the canal was so 
located that success was impossible. Tlie old steam- 
boat-men laughed at the efforts of the Massachusetts 
engineer, to create a current in his canal by commenc* 
ing it in an eddy. 

Jast as the canal project was agreed upon, I was 
present at a conversation between General Williams and 
several residents of the vicinity. The latter, fearing the 
channel of the river would be changed, visited the 
general to protest against the carrying out of his plan. 

The citizens were six in number. They had selected 
no one to act as their leader. Each joined in the con- 
versation as he saw fit. After a little preliminary talk, 
one of them said : 

" Are you aware, general, there is no law of the State 
allowing you to make a cut-off, here ?" 

"lam sorry to say," replied General Williams, "I 
am not familiar with the laws Of Louisiana. Even if I 
were, I should not heed them. I believe Louisiana 
passed an act of secession. According to your own 



A PKOTEST AND ITS ANSWER. 199 

showing you have no claims on the Government 
now." 

This disposed ^of that objection. There* was some 
hesitation, evidently embarrassing to the delegation, but 
not to General Williams. Citizen number one was 
silenced. Number two advanced an idea. 

. "You may remember. General, that you wall subject 
the parish of Madison to an expenditure of ninety thou- 
sand dollars for new levees." 

This argument disturbed General Williams no more 
than the first one. He promptly replied : 

"The parish of Madison gave a large majority in 
favor of secession ; did it not ?" 

"I believe it did," was the faltering response. 

"Then you can learn that treason costs something. 
It will cost you far more before the war is over." 

Citizen number two said nothing more. It was the 
opportunity for number three to speak. 

"If this cut-off is made, it will ruin the trade of 
Vicksburg. It has been a fine city for business, but this 
wUl spoil it. Boats will not be able to reach the town, 
but will find aU the current through the short route." 

"That is just what we want," said the General. 
"We are digging the canal for the very purpose of 
navigating the river without passing near Vicksburg." 

Number three went to the rear. Number four came 
forward. 

"If you make this cut-off, all these plantations will 
be carried away. You will ruin the property of many 
loyal men." 



200 VALUE OF A KAILWAY CHAKTEE. 

He was answered tliat loyal men would be paid for 
all property taken or destroyed, as soon as their loyalty 
was proved. 

The fifth and last point in the protest was next ad- 
vanced. It came from an individual who professed to 
practice law in De Soto township, and was as follows : 

" The charter of the Vicksburg and Shreveport Rail- 
road is perpetual, and so declared by act of the Lou- 
isiana Legislature. No one has any right to cut through 
the embankment." 

" That is true," was. the quiet answer. ''The Con- 
stitution of the United States is also a perpetual charter, 
which it was treason to violate. When you and your 
leaders have no hesitation at breaking national faith, it 
is absurd to claim rights under the laws of a State which 
you deny to be in the Union." 

This was the end of the delegation. Its members re- 
tired without having gained a single point in their case. 
They were, doubtless, easier in mind when they ascer- 
tained, two weeks later, that the canal enterprise was a 
failure. 

The last argument put forth on that occasion, to pre- 
vent the carrying out of our plans, is one of the curiosi- 
ties of legislation. For a long time there were many 
parties in Louisiana who wished the channel of the Mis- 
sissippi turned across the neck of the peninsula opposite 
Vicksburg, thus shortening the river fifteen miles, at 
least, and rendering the plantations above, less liable to 
overflow. As Vicksburg lay in another State, her inter- 
ests were not regarded. She spent much money in the 



«1 
EXPEDITION OF COLONEL ELLET. 201 

corrupt Legislature of Louisiana to defeat the scheme. 
As a last resort, it was proposed to Ibuild a railway, with 
a perpetual charter, from the end of the peninsula oppo- 
site Vicksburg, to some point in the interior. Much 
money was required. The capitalists of Vicksburg con- 
tributed the funds for lobbying the bill and commencing 
the road. Up to the time when the Rebellion began, it 
was rendered certain that no hand of man could legally 
turn the Mississippi across that peninsula. 

The first siege of Vicksburg lasted but twenty days. 
Our fleet was unable to silence the batteries, and our land 
force was not sufficient for the work. During the prog- 
ress of the siege, Colonel EUet, with his ram fleet, as- 
cended the Yazoo River, and compelled the Rebels to 
destroy three of their gun-boats, the Livingston, Polky 
and Van Dorn, to prevent their falling into our hands. 
The Van Dorn was the only boat that escaped, out of 
the fleet of eight Rebel gun-boats which met ours at 
Memphis on the 6th of June. • * 

At the time of making this expedition. Colonel EUet 
learned that the famous ram gun-boat Arlcansas was 
completed, and nearly ready to descend the river. He 
notified Admiral Farragut and Flag-Officer Davis, but 
they paid little attention to his warnings. 

This Rebel gun-boat, which was expected to do so 
much toward the destruction of our naval forces on the 
Mississippi, was constructed at Memphis, and hurried 
from there in a partially finished condition, just before 
the capture of the city. She was towed to Yazoo City 
and there completed. The Arlcansas was a powerful 



202 EUNNING THE BLOCKADE. 

iron-clad steamer, mounting ten guns, and carrying an 
iron Ibeak, designed for penetrating tlie iiulls of our gun- 
Iboats. Her engines were powerful, tliougli they could 
not iDe worked with facility at the time of her appear- 
ance. Her model, construction, armament, and propel- 
ling force, made her equal to any boat of our upper 
flotilla, and her officers claimed to have full confidence 
in her abilities. 

On the morning of the 15th of July, the Arlmnsas 
emerged from the Yazoo River, fifteen miles above 
Vicksburg. A short distance up that stream she en- 
countered two of our gun-boats, the Carondelet and Ty- 
ler, and fought them until she reached our fleet at anchor 
above Vicksburg. The Carondelet was one of our mail- 
clad gun-boats, built at St. Louis in 1861. The T'yler 
was a wooden gun-boat, altered from an old transport, 
and was totally unfit for entering into battle. Both were 
perforated by the Rebel shell, the Tyler receiving the 
larger number. The gallantry displayed by Captain 
Gwin, her commander, was worthy of special praise. 

Our fleet was at anchor four or five miles above 
Vicksburg — some of the vessels lying in midstream, 
while others were fastened to the banks. The Arkansas 
fired to the right and left as she passed through the fleet. 
Her shot disabled two of our boats, and slightly injured 
two or three others. She did not herself escape without 
damage. Many of our projectiles struck her sides, but 
glanced into the river. Two shells perforated her plat- 
ing, and another entered a port, exploding over one of 
the guns. Ten men were killed and as many wounded. 



ATTEMPT TO DESTKOY THE ARKANSAS. 203 

The Arlcansas was not actually disabled, but her com- 
mander declined to enter into another action until she 
had undergone repairs. She reached a safe anchorage 
Tinder protection of the Vicksburg batteries. 

A few days later a plan was arranged for her destruc- 
tion. Col. A. W. EUet, yfii\ii\iQY2im Queen of the West, 
was to run down and strike the Arlcansas at her moor- 
ings. The gun-boat Essex was to join in this effort, 
while the upper flotilla, assisted by the vessels of Ad- 
miral Farragut' s fleet, would shell the Rebel batteries. 

The Essex started first, but ran directly past the 
Arlcansas, instead of stopping to engage her, as was 
expected. The Essex fired three guns at the Arlcansas 
while in range, from one of which a shell crashed 
through the armor of the Rebel boat, disabling an entire 
gun-crew. 

The Queen of tlie West att;empted to perform her part 
of the work, but the current was so strong where the 
Arlcansas lay that it was impossible to deal an effective 
blow. The upper flotilla did not open fire to engage the 
attention of the enemy, and thus the unfortunate Queen 
of the West was obliged to receive all the fire from the 
Rebel batteries. She was repeatedly perforated, but 
fortunately escaped without damage to her machinery. 
The Arlcansas was not seriously injured in the encoun- 
ter, though the completion of her repairs was somewhat 
delayed. 

On the 2oth of July the first siege of Vicksburg was 
raised. The upper flotilla of gun-boats', mortar-rafts, 
and transports, returned to Memphis and Helena. Ad- 



204 BATTLE AT BATON EOUGE. 

miral Farragut took his fleet to !N"ew Orleans. General 
Williams went, with his land forces, to Baton Rouge. 
That city was soon after attacked "by General Breckin- 
ridge, with six thousand men. The -Rehels were re- 
pulsed with heavy loss. In our own ranks the killed 
and wounded were not less than those of the enemy. 
General Williams was among the slain, and at one pe- 
riod our chances of making a successful defense were 
very doubtful. 

The ArJiansas had been ordered to proceed from 
Vickshurg to take part in this attack, the Rebels being 
confident she could overpower our three gun-boats at 
Baton Rouge. On the way down the river her ma- 
chinery became deranged, and she was tied up to the 
bank for repairs. Seeing our gun-boats approaching, 
and knowing he was helpless against them, her com- 
mander ordered the Arlcansas to be abandoned and 
blown up. The order was obeyed, and this much- 
praised and really formidable gun-boat closed her brief 
but brilliant career. 

The Rebels were greatly chagrined at her loss, as 
they had expected she would accomjplish much toward 
driving the National fleet from the Mississippi. The joy 
with which they hailed her appearance was far less 
than the sorrow her destruction evoked. 



A LOST ARMY. 205 



CHAPTER XX. 

THE MARCH THROUGH ARKANSAS.— THE SIEGE OP CINCmNATI. 

General Curtis's Army reaching Helena. — Its "Wanderings. — The Arkan- 
sas Navy. — Troops and their Supplies "miss Connection." — Eebel 
Eeports. — Memphis in Midsummer. — "A Journey due North." — 
Chicago. — Bragg's Advance into Kentucky. — Kii'by Smith in Front 
of Cincinnati. — The City under Martial Law. — The Squirrel Hunters. 
— War Correspondents in Comfortable Quarters. — Improvising an 
Army. — Raising the Siege. — Bragg's Retreat. 

About the middle of July, General Curtis's army 
arrived at Helena," Arkansas, ninety miles below Mem- 
phis. After the battle of Pea Ridge, this army com- 
menced its wanderings, moving first to Batesville, on 
the White River, where it lay for several weeks. Then 
it went to Jacksonport, further down that stream, and 
remained a short time. The guerrillas were in such 
strong force on General Curtis's line of communications 
that they greatly restricted the receipt of supplies, and 
placed the army on very short rations. For nearly a 
month the public had no positive information concern- 
ing Curtis's whereabouts. The Rebels were continually 
circulating stories that he had surrendered, or was terri- . 
bly defeated. 

The only reasons for doubting the truth of these 
stories were, first, that the -Rebels had no force of any 
importance in Arkansas ; and second, that our army, to 



206 A DEEAEY MAECH. 

use tlie expression of one of its officers, "wasn't going 
round surrendering." We expected it would turn up 
in some locality where the Rebels did not desire it, and 
had no fears of its surrender. 

General Curtis constructed several Iboats at Bates- 
ville, which were usually spoken of as "the Arkansas 
navy." These l)oats carried some six or eight hundred 
men, and were used to patrol the White River, as the 
army moved down its hanks. In this way the column 
advanced from Batesville to Jacksonport, and afterward 
to St. Charles. 

Supplies had been sent up the White River to meet 
the army. The transports and their convoy remained 
several days at St. Charles, hut could get no tidings of 
General Curtis. The river was falling, and they finally 
returned. Twelve hours after then- departure, the ad- 
vance of the lost army arrived at St. Charles. 

From St. Charles to Helena was a march of sixty miles, 
across a country destitute of every thing but water, and 
not even possessing a good supply of that article. The 
army reached Helena, weary and hungry, but it was 
speedily supplied with every thing needed, and put in 
condition to take the ofiensive. It was soon named in 
general orders "the Army of Arkansas," and ultimately 
accomplished the occupation of the entire State. 

During July and August there was little activity 
around Memphis. In the latter month, I found the cli- 
mate exceedingly uncomfortable. Day after day the at- 
mosphere was hot, still, stifling, and impregnated with 
the dust that rose in clouds from the parched earth. 



"A JOURNEY DUE NORTH." 207 

The inhabitants endnred it easily, and made continual 
prophesy that the Tiot weather "would come in Septem- 
ber." Those of us who were sti^angers wondered what 
the temperature must be, to constitute "hot" weather in 
the estimation of a native. The thennometer then stood 
at eighty-five degrees at midnight, and ninety -eight or 
one hundred at noon. Few people walked the streets in 
the day, and those who Avere obliged to do so generally 
moved at a snail's pace. Cases of coup-de-soleil were 
frequent. The temperature affected me personally, by 
changing my complexion to a deep yellow, and reduc- 
ing my strengtii about sixty per cent. 

I decided upon "A Journey due North." Forty- 
eight hours after sweltering in Memphis, I was shiver- 
ing on the shores of Lake Michigan. I exchanged the 
hot, fever-laden atmosphere of that city, for the cool 
and healthful air of Chicago. The activity, energy, and 
enterprise of Chicago, made a pleasing contrast to the 
idleness and gloom that pervaded Memphis. This was 
no i)lace for me to exist in as an invalid. I found the 
saffron tint of my complexion rapidly disappearing, and 
my strength restored, under the influence of pure 
breezes and busy life. Ten days in that city prepared 
me for new scenes of war. 

At that time the Rebel anny, under General Bragg, 
was making its advance into Kentucky. General Buell 
was moving at the same tune toward the Ohio River. 
The two armies were marching in nearly parallel lines, 
so that it became a race between them for Nashville and 
Louisville. Bragg divided his forces, threatening Lou- 



208 THE SIEGE OF CINCINNATI. 

isville and Cincinnati at the same time. Defenses were 
tlirown np around tlie former city, to assist in holding 
it in case of attack, hut they were never brought into 
use. By rapid marching. General Buell reached Louis- 
ville in advance of Bragg, and rendered it useless for 
the latter to fling his army against the city. 

Meantime, General Kirby Smith moved, under Bragg' s 
orders, to the siege of Cincinnati. His advance was slow, 
and gave some opportunity for preparation. The chief 
reliance for defense was upon the raw militia and such 
irregular forces as could be gathered for the occasion. 
The hills of Covington and ^Newport, opposite Cincin- 
nati, were crowned with fortifications and seamed with 
rifleTpits, which were filled with these raw soldiers. 
The valor of these men was beyond question, but they 
were almost entirely without discipline. In front of the 
veteran regunents of the Rebel army our forces would 
have been at great disadvantage. 

When I reached Cincinnati the Rebel army was 
within a few miles of the defenses. On the train which 
took me to the city, there were many of the country 
people going to offer their services to aid in repelling 
the enemy. They entered the cars at the various sta- 
tions, bringing their rifles, which they well knew how 
to use. They were the famous "squirrel-hunters" of 
Ohio, who were afterward the subject of some derision 
on the part of the Rebels. Nearly twenty thousand of 
them volunteered for the occasion, and would have 
handled their rifles to advantage had the Rebels given 
them the opportunity. 



"MILITAEY DESPOTISM." 209 

At the time of my arrival at Cincinnati, Major-Gen- 
eral Wallace was in command. The Queen City of the 
"West was obliged to undergo some of the inconveniences 
of martial law. Business of nearly every kind was sus- 
pended. A provost-marshal's pass was necessary to 
enable one to walk the streets in security. The same 
document was required of any person who wished to 
hire a carriage, or take a pleasant drive to the Kentucky 
side of the Ohio. Most of the able-bodied citizens volun- 
tarily offered their services, and took their places in the 
rifle-pits, but there were some who refused to go. 
These were hunted out and taken to the front, much 
against their will. Some were found in or under 
beds ; others were clad in women' s garments, and working 
at wash-tubs. Some tied up their hands as if disabled, 
and others plead baldness or indigestion to excuse a 
lack of patriotism. All was of no avail. The provost- 
marslial had no charity for human weakness. 

This severity was not pleasant to the citizens, but it 
served an admirable purpose. When Kirby Smith ar- 
rived in front of the defenses, he found forty thousand 
men confronting him. Of these, not over six or eight 
thousand had borne anns more than a week or ten days. 
The volunteer militia of Cincinnati, and the squirrel- 
hunters from the interior of Ohio and Indiana, formed 
the balance of our forces. Our line of defenses encircled 
the cities of Covington and Newport, touching the Ohio 
above and below their extreme limits. Nearly every 
hill was crowned with a fortification. These fortifica- 
tions were connected by rifle-pits, which were kept con- 
u 



210 FEEDING AN IMPROVISED ARMY. 

stantly filled with men. Ou the river we had a fleet of 
gun-hoats, improvised from ordinary steamers by sur- 
rounding their vulnerable parts with bales of hay. The 
river was low, so that it was necessary to watch several 
places where fording was possible. A pontoon bridge 
was thrown across the Ohio, and continued there until 
the siege was ended. 

It had been a matter of jest among the journalists at 
Memphis and other points in the Southwest, that the 
vicissitudes of war might some day enable us to witness 
military operations from the principal hotels in the 
Northern cities. "When we can write war letters from 
the Burnet or the Sherman House," was the occasional 
remark, "there will be some personal comfort in being 
an army correspondent." What we had said in jest* was 
now proving true. We could take a carriage at the 
Burnet House, and in half an hour stand on our front 
lines and witness the operations of the skirmishers. 
Later in the war I was enabled to write letters upon 
interesting "topics from Detroit and St. Paul. 

The way in which our large defensive force was fed, 
was nearly as great a novelty as the celerity of its organ- 
ization. It was very difficult to sever the red tape of 
the army regulations, and enable the commissary de- 
partment to issuei rations to men that belonged to no 
regiments or companies. The people of Cincinnati were 
very prompt to send contributions of cooked food to 
the Fifth Street Market-House, which was made a 
temporary restaurant for the defenders of the city. 
Wagons were sent daily through nearly all the streets 



BRAGG'S RETREAT. 211 

to gatlier these contributed supplies, and tiie street-cars 
were free to all women and children going to or from 
the Market-House. Hundreds walked to the front, to 
carry the provisions they had prepared with their own 
hands. All the ordinary edibles of civilized life were 
brought forward in abundance. Had our men fought at 
all, they would have fought on full stomachs. 

The arrival of General Buell's army at Louisville 
rendered it im]30ssible for Bragg to take that city. The 
defenders of Cincinnati were re-enforced by a division 
from General Grant's army, which was then in West 
Tennessee. This arrival was followed by that of other 
trained regiments and brigades from various localities, so 
that we began to contemplate taking the offensive. The 
Rebels disappeared from our front, and a reconnoissance 
showed that they were falling back toward Lexington. 
They burned the turnpike and railway bridges as they 
retreated, showing conclusively that they had aban- 
doned the siege. 

As soon as the retirement of the Rebels was posi- 
tively ascertained, a portion of our forces was ordered 
from Cincinnati to Louisville. General Buell's army 
took the offensive, and pursued Bragg as he retreated 
toward the Tennessee River. General Wallace was^ 
relieved, and his command transferred to General 
Wright. 

A change in the whole military situation soon trans- 
pired. From holding the defensive, our armies became 
the pursuers of the Rebels, the latter showing little' 
inclination to risk an encounter. , The battle of Perry- 



212 THE REBELS GATHERING SUPPLIES. 

ville was the great "battle of this Kentucky campaign. 
Its result gave neither army much opportunity for exul- 
tation. 

In their retreat through Kentucky and Tennessee, 

the Rehels gathered all the supplies they could find, 
and carried them to their commissary depot at Knox- 
ville. It was said that their trains included more than 
thirty thousand wagons, all of them heavily laden. 
Large droves of cattle and horses became the property 
of the Confederacy. 



THE NEW SITUATION. 213 



CHAPTER XXI. 

THE BATTLE? OP CORINTH. 

New Plans of the Rebels. — Their Design to Capture Corinth. — Advanc- 
ing to the Attack. — Strong Defenses. — A Magnificent Charge. — 
Valor «s. Breast-Works. — The Repulse. — Retreat and Pursuit. — The 
National Arms Triumphant. 

The Bragg campaign into Kentucky being barren of 
important results, tlie Rebel authorities ordered tliat an 
attempt sliould be made to drive us from West Tennes- 
see. The Rebel army in Northern Mississippi com- 
menced the aggressive late in September, while the 
retreat of Bragg was still in progress. The battle of 
luka resulted favorably to the Rebels, giving them 
possession of that point, and allowing a large quantity 
of supplies to fall into their hands. On the 4th of 
October was the famous battle of Corinth, the Rebels 
under General Yan Dorn attacking General Rosecrans, 
who was commanding at Corinth. 

The Rebels advanced from Holly Springs, striking 
Corinth on the western side of our lines. The move- 
ment was well executed, and challenged our admiration 
for its audacity and the valor the Rebel soldiery dis- 
played. It was highly important for the success of the 
Rebel plans in the Southwest that we should be ex- 
pelled from Corinth. Accordingly, they made a most 
determined effort, but met a signal defeat. 



214 A STRONG POSITION. 

Some of tlie best figliting of the war occurred at this 
"battle of Corinth. The Rebel line of battle was on the 
western and northern side of the town, cutting off our 
communications with General Grant at Jackson. The 
Rebels penetrated our line, and actually obtained pos- 
session of a portion of Corinth, but were driven out by 
hard, earnest work. It was a struggle for a great prize, 
in which neither party was inclined to yield as long as 
it had any strength remaining to strike a blow. 

The key to our position was on the western side, 
where two earth-works had been thrown up to command 
the approaches in that direction. These works were 
known as "Battery Williams" and "Battery Robbi- 
nette," so named in honor of the officers who superin- 
tended their erection and commanded their garrisons at 
the time of the assault. These works were on the sum- 
mits of two small hills, where the ascent from the main 
road that skirted theu' base was very gentle. The tim- 
ber on these slopes had been cut away to afford full 
sweep to our guns. An advancing force would be com- 
pletely under our fire during the whole time of its 
ascent. Whether succeeding or failing, it must lose 
heavily. 

General Van Dorn gave Price's Division the honor 
of assaulting these works. The division was composed 
of Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas regiments, and esti- 
mated at eight thousand strong. Price directed the 
movement in person, and briefly told his men that the 
position must be taken at all hazards. The line was 
formed on the wooded ground at the base of the hills on 



A GALLANT ASSAULT. 215 

wliicli our batteries stood. The advance was com- 
menced simultaneously along the line. 

As the Rebels emerged from the forest, our guns were 
opened. Officers who were in Battery Williams at the 
time of the assault, say the Rebels moved in splendid 
order. Grape and shell made frequent and wide gaps 
through their ranks, but the line did not break nor 
waver. The men moved directly forward, over the 
fallen timber that covered the ground, and at length 
came within range of our infantry, which had been 
placed in the forts to support the gunners. Our artil- 
lery had made fearful havoc among the Rebels from 
the moment they left the protection of the forest. Our 
infantry was waiting with impatience to play its part. 

When the Rebels were fairly within range of our 
small-arms, the order was given for a simultaneous vol- 
ley along our whole lin,e. As the shower of bullets 
struck the Rebel front, hundreds of men went down. 
Many flags fell as the color-bearers were killed, but 
they were instantly seized and defiantly waved. With 
a wild cheer the Rebels dashed forward up to the very 
front of the forts, receiving without recoil a most deadly 
fire. They leaped the ditch and gained the parapet. 
They entered a bastion of Battery Williams, and for a 
minute held possession of one of our guns. 

Of the dozen or more that gained the interior of the 
bastion, very few escaped. Nearly all were shot down 
while fighting for possession of the gun, or surrendered 
when the parapet was cleared of those ascending it. 
The retreat of the Rebels was hasty, but it was 



216 THE REBELS DEFEATED. 

orderly. Even in a repulse their coolness did not for- 
sake tliem. They left their dead scattered thickly in 
our front. In one group of seventeen, they lay so close- 
ly together that their bodies touched each other. An 
officer told me he could have walked along the entire 
front of Battery Williams, touching a dead or wounded 
Rebel at nearly every step. Two Rebel colonels were 
killed side by side, one of them falling with his hand 
over the edge of the ditch. They were buried where 
they died. In the attack in which the Rebels entered 
the edge of the town, the struggle was nearly as great. 
It required desperate lighting for them to gain posses- 
sion of the spot, and equally desperate fighting on our 
part to retake it. All our officers who participated in 
this battle spoke in admiration of the courage displayed 
by the Rebels. Praise from an enemy is the greatest 
praise. The Rebels were not defeated on account of 
any lack of bravery or of recklessness. They were 
fully justified in retreating after the eflTorts they made. 
Our anny was just as determined to hold Corinth as the 
Rebels were to capture it. Advantages of position 
turned the scale in our favor, and enabled us to repulse 
a force superior to our own. 

Just before the battle, General Grant sent a division 
under General McPherson to re-enforce Corinth. The 
Rebels had cut the railway between the two points, so 
that the re-enforcement did not reach Corinth until the 
battle was over. 

On the morning following the battle, our forces moved 
out in pursuit of the retreating Rebels. At the same 



END OF THE CAMPAIGN 217 

time a column marched from Bolivar, so as to fall in 
their front. The Rebels were taken between the two 
columns, and brought to an engagement with each of 
them; but, by finding roads to the south, managed to 
escape without disorganization. Our forces returned to 
Corinth and Bolivar, thinking it useless to make further 
pursuit. 

Thus terminated the campaign of the enemy against 
Corinth. There was no expectation that the Rebels 
would trouble us any more in that quarter for the pres- 
ent, unless we sought them out. Their defeat was 
sufficiently serious to compel them to relinquish all 
hope of expelling us from Corinth. 
■ ^ During the time of his occupation of West Tennessee, 
General Grant was much annoyed by the wandering 
sons of Israel, who thronged his lines in great numbers. 
They were engaged in all kinds of speculation in which 
money could be made. Many of them passed the lines 
into the enemy's country, and purchased cotton, which 
they managed to bring to Memphis and other points on 
the river. Many were engaged in smuggling supplies 
to the Rebel armies, and several were caught while act- 
ing as spies. 

On our side of the lines the Jews were' Union men, 
and generally announced their desire for a prompt sup- 
pression of tliB Rebellion. When under the folds of 
the Rebel flag they were the most ardent Secessionists, 
and breathed undying hostility to the Yankees. Very 
few of them had any real sjinpathy with either side, 
and were ready, like Mr. Pickwick, to shout with the 



218 SOMETHmG OON'CERNIN'G JEWS. 

largest mob on all occasions, provided there was money 
to be made by the operation. Their number was very 
great. In the latter half of ' 62, a traveler would have 
thought the lost tribes of Israel were holding a reunion 
at Memphis. 

General Grant became indignant, and issued an order 
banishing the Jews from his lines. The order created 
much excitement among the Americans of Hebraic de- 
scent. The matter was placed before the President, and 
the obnoxious restriction promptly revoked. During 
the time it was in force a large number of the proscribed 
individuals were obliged to go North. ^" 

Sometimes the Rebels did not treat the Jews with the 
utmost courtesy. On one occasion a scouting party 
captured two Jews who were buying cotton. The Isra- 
elites were robbed of ten thousand dollars in gold and 
United States currency, and then forced to enter the 
ranks of the Rebel army. They did not escape untU 
six months later. 

In Cliicago, in the first year of the war, a company 
of Jews was armed and equipped at the expense of their 
wealthier brethren. The men composing the company 
served their full time, and were highly praised for their 
gallantry. 

The above case deserves mention, as it is an excep- 
tion to the general conduct of the Jews. 



AGGRESSIVE MOVEMENTS. 219 



CHAPTER XXII. 

THE CAMPAIGN FROM CORINTH. 

Changes of Commanders. — Preparations for the Aggressive. — Marching 
from Corinth. — Talking with the People. — " You-uns and "We-nns." 
— Conservatism of a " Regular." — Loyalty and Disloyalty. — Condi- 
tion of the Rebel Army. — Foraging. — German Theology for Ameri- 
can Soldiers. — A Modest Landlord. — A Boy without a Name. — The 
Freedmen's Bureau. — Employing Negroes. — Holly Springs and its 
People. — An Argument for Secession, 

Two weeks after the "battle of Corinth, Gfeneral Rose- 
crans was summoned to the Army of the Cumberland, 
to assume command in place of General Buell. General 
Grant was placed at the head of the Thirteenth Army- 
Corps, including all the forces in West Tennessee, Prep-' 
arations for an aggressive movement into the enemy's 
country had been in progress for some time, Corinth, 
Bqlivar, and Jackson were strongly fortified, so that a 
small force could defend them.. The base of supply was 
at Columbus, Kentucky, eighty-five miles due north of 
Jackson, thus giving us a long line of railway to pro- 
tect. 

On the first of November the movement began, by the 
advance of a column from Corinth and another from Boli- 
var. These columns met at Grand Junction, twenty-five 
miles north of Holly Springs, and, after lying there for 
two weeks, advanced to the occupation of the latter 



220 CONSERVATISM OF A REGULAR. 

point. The Rebels evacuated the place on our ap- 
proach, and after a day or two at Holly Springs we 
went forward toward the south. Abbeville and Oxford 
were taken, and the Rebels established themselves at 
Grenada, a hundred miles south of Memphis. 

From ^Corinth I accompanied the division commanded 
by General Stanley. I had known this officer in Mis- 
souri, in the first year of the war, when he claimed 
to be very "conservative" in his views. During the 
compaign with General Lyon he expressed himself op- 
posed to a warfare that should produce a change in 
the social status at the South. When I met him at 
Corinth he was very "radical " in sentiment, and in favor 
of a thorough destruction of the "peculiar institution." 
He declared that he had liberated his own slaves, and 
was determined to set free all the slaves of any other 
person that might come in his way. He rejoiced that 
the war had not ended during the six months follow- 
ing the fall of Fort Sumter, as we should then have 
allowed slavery to exist, which would have rendered 
us liable to another rebellion whenever the Southern 
leaders chose to make it. We could only be taught 
by the logic of events, and it would take two or three 
years of war to educate the country to a proper under- 
standing of our position. 

It required a war of greater magnitude than was 
generally expected at the outset. In 1861 there were 
few people who would have consented to interfere 
with "slavery in the States." The number of these 
persons was greater in 1863, but it was not until 1864 



CONVERSATION WITH THE PEOPLE. 221 

that the anti-slavery sentiment took firm hold of the 
public mind. In 1861 the voice of Missouri would have 
favored the retention of the old system. In 1864 that 
State became almost as radical as Massachusetts. The 
change in public sentiment elsewhere was nearly as 
great. 

During the march from Corinth to Grand Junction, I 
had frequent opportunity for conversing with the people 
along the route. There were few able-bodied men at 
home. It was the invariable answer, when we asked 
the whereabouts of any citizen, "He's away." Inquiry 
would bring a reluctant confession that he had gone to 
the Rebel army. Occasionally a woman would boast 
that she had sent her husband to fight for his rights and 
the rights of his State. The violation of State rights and 
the infringement upon personal prerogative were charged 
upon the National Government as the causes of the war. 
Some of the women displayed considerable skill in argu- 
ing the question of secession, but their arguments were 
generally mingled with invective. The majority were 
unable to make any discussion whatever. 

"What's you-uns come down here to fight we-uns 
for?" said one of the women whose husband was in the 
Rebel army. "We-uns never did you-uns no hurt." 
(This addition of a syllable to the personal pronouns of 
the second and third persons is common in some parts 
of the South, while in others it will not be heard.) 

"Well," said General Stanley, "we came down here 
because we were obliged to come. Your people com- 
menced a war, and we are trying to help you end it." 



222 WHAT THEY DESIEED. 

"We-uns didn't want to figlit, no-liow. You-uns 
went and made the war so as to steal our niggers." 

The woman acknowledged that neither her husband 
nor herself ever owned negroes, or ever expected to do 
so. She knew nothing about Fort Sumter, and only 
knew that the North elected one President and the South 
another, on the same occasion. The South only wanted 
its president to rule its own region, but the North wanted 
to extend its control over the whole country, so as to steal 
the negroes. Hence arose the war. 

Some of the poorer whites manifested a loyal feeling, 
which sprang from a belief that the establishment of the 
Confederacy would not better their condition. This 
number was not large, but it has doubtless increased 
with the termination of the war. The wealthier portion 
of the people were invariably in sympathy with the 
Rebel cause. 

After we reached Grand Junction, and made our 
camp a short distance south of that point, we were joined 
by the column from Bolivar. In the two columns Gen- 
eral Grant had more than forty thousand men, exclusive 
of a force under General Sherman, about to move from 
Memphis. The Kebel army was at Holly Springs and 
Abbeville, and was estimated at fifty thousand strong. 
Every day found a few deserters coming in from the 
Rebels, but their number was not large. The few that 
came represented their army to be well supplied with 
shoes, clothing, and ammunition, and also well fed. 
They were nearly recovered from the effects of their 
repulse at Corinth, a month before. 



A SOLDIER'S PLUNDER. 223 

Our soldiers foraged at will on tlie plantations near 
our camp. The quantities of supplies that were brought 
in did not argue that the country had been previously 
visited by an army. Mules, horses, cattle, hogs, sheep, 
chickens, and other things used by an army, were found 
in abundance. 

The soldiers did not always confine their foraging to 
articles of necessity. A clergyman's library was in- 
vaded and plundered. I saw one soldier bending under 
the (avoirdupois) weight of three heavy volumes on the- 
ology, printed in the German language. Another soldier, 
a mere boy, was carrying away in triumph a copy of 
Scott' s Greek Lexicon. In every instance when it came 
to their knowledge, the officers compelled the soldiers to 
returu the books they had stolen. German theology 
and Greek Lexicons were not thought advantageous to 
an army in the field. 

One wing of our army was encamped at Lagrange, Ten- 
nessee, and honored with the presence of General Grant. 
Lagrange presented a fair example of the effects of seces- 
sion upon the interior villages of the South. Before 
the war it was the center of a flourishing business. Its 
private residences were constructed with considerable 
magnificence, and evinced the wealth of their owners. 
There was a male and a female college ; there was a 
bank, and there were several stores and commission 
houses. 

When the war broke out, the young men at the male 
college enlisted in the Rebel army. The young women 
in the female college went to their homes. The bank 



224 HOW TO KEEP A HOTEL. 

was closed for want of funds, the hotels had no guests, 
the stores had few customers, and these had no money, 
the commission houses could find no cotton to sell and 
no goods to buy. Every thing Avas completely stag- 
nated. All the men who could carry muskets went to 
the field. When we occupied the town, there were not 
three men remaining who were of the arms-hearing age. 

I found in Lagrange a man who could keep a hotel. 
He was ignorant, lazy, and his establishment only re- 
sembled the Fifth Avenue or the Continental in the 
prices charged to the guests. I staid several days with 
this Boniftice, and enjoyed the usual fare of the interior 
South. Calling for my bill at my departure, I found 
the charges were only three dollars and fifty cents per 
day. 

My horse had been kept in a vacant and dilapidated 
stable belonging to the hotel, but the landlord refused 
to take any responsibility for the animal. He had 
no corn or hay, and his hostler had "gone to the Yan- 
kees ! " During my stay I employed a man to purchase 
corn and give the desired attention to the horse. The 
landlord made a charge of one dollar per day for " hoss- 
keeping," and was indignant when I entered a protest. 
Outside of Newport and Saratoga, I think there are very 
few hotel-keepers in the North who would make out 
and present a bill on so small a basis as this. 

This taverner' s wife and daughter professed an utter 
contempt for all white persons who degraded themselves 
to any kind of toil. Of course, their hostility to the 
North was very great. Beyond a slight supervision, 



"NO NAME." 225 

they left every thing to the care of the negroes. A gen- 
tleman who was with me sought to make himself ac- 
quainted with the family, and succeeded admirahly until, 
on one evening, he constructed a small toy to amuse the 
children. This was too much. He was skillful with his 
hands, and must therefore l)e a "mudsill." His ac- 
quaintance with the ladies of that household came to an 
end. His manual dexterity was his ruin. 

T]iere was another hotel in Lagrange, a rival estab- 
lishment, that hore the reputation of being much the 
worse in point of comfort. It was owned by a widow, 
and this widow had a son — a iank, overgrown youth of 
eighteen. His poverty, on one point, was the greatest I 
ever knew. He could have been appropriately selected 
as the hero of a certain popular novel by Wilkie Col- 
lins. 'No name had ever been given him by his parents. 
In his infancy they spoke of him as "the boy." When . 
he grew large enough to appear on the street with other 
boys, some one gave him the sobriquet of "Rough and 
Ready." From that time forward, his only prsenomen 
was "Rough." I made several inquiries among his 
neighbors, but could not ascertain that he bore any 
other Christian appellative. 

The first comprehensive order providing for the car« 
of the negroes in the Southwest, was issued by General 
Grant while his army lay at Lagrange and Grand Junc- 
tion. Previous to that time, the negroes had been dis- \ 
posed of as each division and post commander thought ' 
best, under his general instructions not to treat them 
unkindly. Four months earlier, our authorities at Mem- 

15 



226 A GENERAL ORDER. 

pliis had enrolled several hundred able-bodied negroes 
into an organization for service in the Quartermaster's 
Department, in accordance with the provisions of an 
order from District Head-Quarters. They threw up for- 
tifications, loaded and unloaded steamboats, and per- 
formed such other labor as was required. In General 
Grant' s army there was a pioneer corps of three hundred 
negroes, under the immediate charge of an overseer, con- 
trolled by an ofiicer of engineers. 'No steps were then 
taken to use them as soldiers. 

The number of negroes at our posts and in our camps 
was rapidly increasing. Under the previous orders, 
they were registered and employed only on Govern- 
ment work. None but the able-bodied males were thus 
available. The new arrangements contemplated the 
employment of all who were capable of performing any 
kind of field labor. It was expected to bring some 
revenue to the Government, that would partially cover 
the expense of providing for the negroes. 

The following is the order which General Grant 
issued : — 

IIead-Quaktee9 TniETEENTn Aemy Coeps, ^ 

Depaetment of the Tennessee, > 

Laqeange, Tennessee, Ifovemier 14, 18G2. ) 

Special Field Oeder, No. 4. 

I. Chaplain J. Eaton, Jr., of the Twenty-seventh Ohio Volunteers, is 
hei-eby appointed to take charge of all fugitive slaves that are now, or 
may from time to time come, within the military lines of the advancing 
army in this vicinity, not employed and registered in accordance with 
General Orders, No. Y2, from head-quarters District of West Tennessee, 
and will open a camp for them at Grand Junction, where they will be 



A NEW ENTERPRISE. 227 

suitably cared for, and organized into companies, and set to work, pick- 
ing, ginning, and baling all cotton now outstanding in fields. 

II. Commanding officers of all troops will send all fugitives that 
come within the lines, together with such teams, cooking utensils, and 
other baggage as they may bring with them, to Chaplain J. Eaton, Jr., 
at Grand Junction. 

III. One regiment of infantry from Brigadier-General McArtliur's 
Division will be temporarily detailed as guard in charge of such contra- 
bands, and the surgeon of said regiment will be charged with the care 
of the sick. 

IV. Commissaries of subsistence will issue, on the requisitions of 
Chaplain Eaton, omitting the coffee ration, and substituting rye. 

By order of Major-General U. S. Grant. 

Jno. a. Rawlins, A. A. G. 

Chaplain Eaton entered immediately npon the dis- 
charge of his duties. Many division and l^rigade com- 
manders threw ohstacles in his way, and were very aiow 
to comply with General Grant's order. Some of the 
officers of the Commissary Department made every pos- 
sible delay in filling Chaplain Eaton's requisitions. The 
people of the vicinity laughed at the experiment, and 
prophesied speedy and complete failure. They endeav- 
ored to insure a failure by stealing the horses and mules, 
and disabling the machinery which Chaplain Eaton was 
using. Failing in this, they organized guerrilla jDarties, 
and attempted to frighten the negroes from working in 
the field. They only desisted from this enterprise when 
some of their number were killed. 

All the negroes that came into the army lines were 
gathered at Grand Junction and organized, in com- 
pliance with the order. There were many fields of 
cotton fully ripened, that required immediate attention. 
Cotton-picking commenced, and was extensively prose- 



228 DULLNESS OF THE CAMP. 

cuted. The experiment proved a success. The cotton 
in the immediate vicinity of Grand Junction and La- 
grange was gathered, haled, and made ready for mar- 
ket. For once, the labors of the negro in the South- 
west were hringing an actual return to the Govern- 
ment. 

The following year saw the system enlarged, as our 
armies took possession of new districts. In 1863, large 
quantities of cotton were gathered from fields in the 
vicinity of Lake Providence and Milliken' s Bend, and 
the cultivation of plantations was commenced. In 1864, 
this last enterprise was still further prosecuted. Chap- 
lain Eaton became Colonel Eaton, and the humble 
beginning at Grand Junction grew into a great scheme 
for demonstrating the practicability of free labor, and 
benefiting the negroes who had been left without sup- 
port by reason of the flight of their owners.^ 

As the anny lay in camp near Lagrange for nearly 
four weeks, and the enemy was twenty-five miles dis- 
tant, there was very little war correspondence to be 
written. There was an occasional skkmish near the 
front, but no important movement whatever. The 
monotony of this kind of life, and the tables of the 
Lagrange hotels, were not calculated to awaken much 
enthusiasm. Learning from a staff officer the probable 
date when the army would advance, I essayed a visit to 
St. Louis, and returned in season to take part in the 
movement into Mississippi. 

At the time General Grant advanced from Lagrange, 
he ordered General Sherman to move from Memphis, so 



A SECESSIONIST'S OPIXIOK 229 

that tlie two columns would unite in the vicinity of 
Oxford, Mississippi. General Sherman pushed his 
column as rapidly as possible, and, by the combined 
movement, the Rebels were forced out of their defenses 
beyond Oxford, and compelled to select a new line in 
the direction of Grenada. Our flag was steadily ad- 
vancing toward the Gulf. 

Satisfied there would be no battle until our army 
had passed Oxford, I tarried several days at Holly 
Springs, waiting for the railway to be opened. I found 
the town a very pleasant one, finely situated, and 
bearing evidence of the wealth and taste of its in- 
habitants. When the war broke out, there were only 
two places in the State that could boast a larger pop- 
ulation than Holly Springs. 

At the time of my arrival, the hotels of Holly 
Springs were not open, and I was obliged to take 
a room at a private house with one of the inhab- 
itants. My host was an earnest advocate of the Rebel 
cause, and had the fullest confidence in the ultimate 
independence of the South. " 

"We intend," said he, "to establish a strong 
Government, in which there will be no danger of 
interference by any abolitionists. If you had allowed 
us to have our own way, there would never have 
been any trouble. We didn't want you to have 
slavery in the N^orth, but we wanted to go into the 
Territories, where we had a perfect right, and do as 
we pleased about taking our slaves there. The control 
of the Government belongs to us. The most of the 



230 WHY SLAVERY SHOULD BE EETADTED. 

Presidents have been from the South, as they ought 
to be. It was only when you elected a sectional 
President, who was sworn to break up slavery, that 
we objected. You began the war when you refused 
us the privilege of having a national President. 

This gentleman argued, further, that the half of all 
public property belonged to the South, and it was only 
just that the State authorities should take possession of 
forts and arsenals, as they did at the inception of the 
war. It was the especial right of the South to control 
the nation. Slavery was instituted from Heaven, for 
tlie especial good of both white and black. Whoever 
displayed any sympathy for the negro, and wished to 
make him free, was doing a great injustice to the slave 
and his master, particularly to the latter. 

Once he said the destruction of slavery would be 
unworthy a people who possessed any gallantry. ' ' You 
will," he declared, "do a cruel wrong to many fine 
ladies. They know nothing about working with theu' 
hands, and consider such knowledge disgraceful. If 
their slaves are taken from them, these ladies will be 
helpless." 

This gentleman was the possessor of several negroes, 
though he lived in a house that he did not own. Of 
course, it was a great injustice to deprive him of his 
only property, especially as the laws of his State sanc- 
tioned such ownership. . He declared he would not sub- 
mit id any theft of that character. I do not think I 
ever saw a person manifest more passion than was ex- 
hibited by this individual on hearing, one afternoon, 



AN ENTERPKISma SPECULATOR. 231 

that one of Ms slaves liad taken refuge in our camp, 
with the avowed intention of going North. 

"I- don't care for the loss," said he, ^'but what I 
do care for is, to be robbed by a nigger. I can endure 
an injury from a white man ; to have a nigger defy me 
is too much." 

Unfortunate and unhappy man ! I presume he is 
not entirely satisfied with the present status of the 
' ' Peculiar Institution. ' ' 

The cotton speculators at Holly Springs were guilty 
of some sharp transactions. One day a gentleman re- 
siding in the vicinity came to town in order to ejQTect a 
sale of fifty bales. The cotton was in a warehouse a 
half-dozen miles away. 

Remaining over night in Holly Springs, and walking 
to the railway station in the morning, he found his cot- 
ton piled by the track -and ready for shipment. Two 
men were engaged effacing the marks upon the bales. 
By some means they had obtained a sufficient number 
of Government wagons to remove the entire lot during 
the night. It was a case of downright theft. The of- 
fenders were banished beyond the lines of the army. 

^' In a public office at Holly Springs our soldiers found 
a great number of bills on the Northern Bank of Missis- 
sippi. They were in sheets, just as they had come from 
the press. None of them bore dates or signatures. 

The soldiers supplied all needed chirography, and 
the bills obtained a wide circulation. Chickens, pigs, 
and other small articles were purchased of the whites 
and negroes, and paid for with the most astonishing lib- 



232 "SNUFF DIPPING." 

erality. Counterfeits of the Eebel currency were freely 
distributed, and could only be distinguished from the 
genuine by their superior execution. 

Among the women in Holly Springs and its vicinity 
snuflf was in great demand. The article is used by them 
in much the same way that men chew tobacco. The 
practice is known as "dipping," and is disgusting in the 
extreme. A stick the size of a common pencil is chewed 
or beaten at one end until the 'fibers are separated. In 
this condition it forms a brush. 

This brush is moistened with saliva, and plunged 
into the snutf. The fine powder which adheres is then 
rubbed on the gums and among the teeth. A species of 
partial intoxication is the result. 

The effect of continued " dijDping" becomes apparent- 
The gums are inflamed, the teeth are discolored, the lips 
are shriveled, and the complexion is sallow. The throat 
is dry and irritated, and there is a constant desire to 
expectorate. 

I trust the habit will never become a Northern one. 



A GEKEKOUS PROPOSAL. 233 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

GRANT'S OCCUPATION OP MISSISSIPPL 

The Slavery Question. — A Generous Offer. — A Journalist's Modesty. — 
Hopes of the Mississippians at the Beginning of the War. — Visiting an 
Editress. — Literature under Difficulties. — Jacob Thompson and his 
Correspondence. — Plans for the Capture of Vicksburg. — Movements 
of General Sherman. — The Raid upon Holly Springs. — Forewarned, 
hut not Forearmed. — A Gallant Fight. 

The people of Holly Springs were much excited 
over the slavery question. It was then early in Decem- 
l^er. The President's proclamation was to have its 
effect on all States, or portions of States, not represented 
in Congress on the first of January following. The 
slaveholders desired to have the northern district of 
Mississippi represented in Congress before the fii'st of 
January. 

Three or four days after my arrival at Holly Springs 
I was with a small party of citizens to whom I had re- 
ceived introduction. The great question was being dis- 
cussed. All were agreed that !N'orthern Mississippi 
should he represented in Congress at whatever cost. 

"Grant has now been in Mississippi nearly two 
weeks," said the principal speaker; "we are clearly 
entitled to representation." 

"Certainly we are," responded another; "but who 
will represent us ?" 



234 WHY I DID NOT GO TO CONGRESS. 

" Hold an election to-morrow, and choose our man." 

' ' Who will we send ? None of ns would be received. 
There isn't a man in the district who could swear he has 
taken no part in the Rehellion." 

"I have it," said the individual who first proposed 
an election. Turning to me, he made a somewhat novel 
proposition : 

' ' You can represent us in Congress. We' ve all heen 
so d — d disloyal that we can't go ; but that is no reason 
why we should not send a loyal men. Say yes, and 
we'll meet to-morrow, a dozen of us, and elect you." 

Here was an opportunity for glory. Only four days 
in a State from which I could go to Congress ! I was 
offered all necessary credentials to insure my reception. 
My loyalty could be clearly and easily proved. My 
only duties would be to assist in fastening slavery upon 
my congressional district. Much as I felt honored at 
the offer of distinction, I was obliged to decline it. A 
similar proposition was made to another journalist. He, 
like myself, was governed by modesty, and begged to 
be excused from serving. 

The desire of tliis people to be represented in Con- 
gress, was a partial proof that they expected the na- 
tional authority restored throughout the country. They 
professed to believe that our occupation would be 
temporary, but their actions did not agree with their 
words. 

They were greatly mortified at the inability of their 
army to oppose our advance, and frequently abused the 
Rebel Government without stint. They had anticipated 



EEPUDIATIOK 235 

an easy victory from the outset, and were greatly disap- 
pointed at the result, up to that time. 

"Just see how it is," said a Mississippian one day; 
"we expected to whip you without the slightest trouWe. 
We threw the war into the Border States to keep it 
off our soil. Mississippi was very earnest for the Ke- 
bellion when Kentucky was the battle-ground. We no 
more expected you would come here, than that we 
should get to the moon. It is the fortune, of war that 
you have driven us back, but it is very severe upon the 
cotton States." 

I ventured to ask about the possibilities of repudia- 
tiX)n of the Rebel debt, in case the Confederacy was fairly 
established. 

"Of course we shall repudiate," was the response. 
"It would be far better for the Confederacy to do so 
than to attempt to pay the debt, or even its interest. 
Suppose we have a debt of a thousand millions, at eight 
per cent. This debt is due to our own people, and they 
have to pay the interest upon it. In twelve years and a 
half they would have paid another thousand millions, 
and still be as deeply in debt as ever. JSTow, if they 
re]pudiate the whole, the country will be a thousand 
millions richer at the end of twelve years and a half, than 
it otherwise would." 

In Mississippi, as well as in other Southern States, I 
frequently heard this argument. It is not surprising 
that the confidence of the people in their currency was 
shaken at a very early period. 

In its days of prosperity. Holly Springs boasted 



236 VISITING A REBEL EDITRESS. 

of two rival papers, each of tliem publislied weekly. 
One of these died just as the war "broke out. The pro- 
prietor of the other, who was at the same time its editor, 
went, with his two sons, into the Rehel army, leaving 
the paper in charge of his wife. The lady wielded the 
pen for nearly a year, but the scarcity of printing-paper 
compelled her to close her office, a few months before 
our arrival. 

One afternoon, I accompanied Mr. Colburn, of 
Tlie Worlds on a visit to the ex-editress. The lady re- 
ceived our cards and greeted us very cordially. She 
spoke, with evident pride, of her struggles to sustain her 
paper in war-time and under war prices, and hoped she 
could soon resume its publication. She referred to the 
absence of her husband and sons in the Rebel service, 
and was gratified that they had always borne a good 
record. She believed in the South and in the justness 
of its cause, but was prompt to declare that all the 
wrong was not on one side. She neither gave the South 
extravagant praise, nor visited the North with denun- 
ciation. 

She regretted the existence of the war, and charged 
its beginning upon the extremists of both sides. Slavery 
was clearly its cause, and she should look for its com- 
plete destruction in the event of the restoration of na- 
tional authority. Through justice to itself, the North 
could demand nothing less, and the South must be will- 
ing to abide by the fortune of war. 

This woman respected and admired the North, be- 
cause it was a region where labor was not degrading. 



JACOB THOMPSON 237 

She had always opposed the Southern sentiment con- 
cerning hilbor, and educated her children after her own 
belief. While other boys were idling in the streets, she 
had taught her sons all the mysteries of the printing- 
office, and made them able to care for themselves. She 
was confident they would vindicate the correctness of 
her theory, by winning good positions in life. She be- 
lieved slavery had assisted the development of the 
South, but was equally positive that its effect upon the 
white race was ruinous in the extreme. 

She had no word of abuse for the Union, but spoke 
of it in terms of praise. At the same time she expressed 
an earnest hope for the success of the Rebellion. She 
saw the evil of slavery, but wished the Confederacy es- 
tablished. Ht)W she could reconcile all her views I was 
unable to ascertain. I do not believe she will take seri- 
ously to heart the defeat of the scheme to found a slave- 
holders' government. In the suppression of the Rebel- 
lion she will doubtless discover a brilliant future for 
"the land of the cypress and myrtle," and bless the day 
that witnessed the destruction of slavery. 

At Oxford, our forces found the residence of the ex- 
Hon. Jacob Thompson, who has since figured promi- 
nently as the Rebel agent in Canada. In his office a 
letter-book and much correspondence were secured — 
the letters showing that the design of a rebellion 
dated much further back than the first election of Mr. 
Lincoln. Some of this correspondence was given to the 
public at the time, and proved quite interesting. The 
balance was sent to the War Department, where it was 



238 ADVANCING INTO MISSISSIPPI. 

expected to be of service. The books in Mr. Thomp- 
son's library found their way to various parts of the 
Union, and became scattered where it will be difficult 
for their owner to gather them, should he desire to re- 
store his collection. If "misery loves comiDany," it was 
doubtless gratifying to Mr. Thompson to know of the 
capture of the library and correspondence of Jefferson 
Davis, several months later. 

Our advance into Mississippi was being successfully 
pushed, early in December, 1862. There was a prospect 
that it would not accomplish the desired object, the cap- 
ture of Yicksburg, without some counter-movement. A 
force was sent from Helena, Arkansas, to cut the railway 
In rear of the Rebel amiy. Though accomplishing its 
immediate object, it did not make a material change in 
the military situation. The Rebels continued to hold 
Grenada, which they had strongly fortified. They could 
only be forced from this position by a movement that 
should render Grenada of no practical value. 

General Grant detached the right wing of his army, 
with orders to make a rapid march to Memphis, and 
thence to descend the Mississii^pi by steamboats to 
Vicksburg. This expedition was commanded by Gen- 
eral Sherman. While the movement was in progress, 
General Grant was to push forward, on the line he had 
been following, and attempt to join General Shennan at 
the nearest practicable point on the Yazoo River above 
Yicksburg. The fall of Vicksburg was thus thought to 
be assured, especially as General Sherman's attack was 
to be made upon the defenses in its rear. 



GOING TO MEMPHIS. 239 

Greneral Sherman moved to Memphis with due ce- 
lerity. The garrison of that city was reduced as much 
as possible to re-enforce his column. The Army of Ar- 
kansas, then at Helena, was temporarily added to his 
command. This gave a force exceeding twenty-eight 
thousand strong to move upon Yickshurg. It was 
considered sufficiently large to accomplish the desired 
object — the garrison of Vicksburg having been weak- 
ened to strengthen the army in General Grant's front. 

I was in Holly Springs when General Sherman began 
to move toward Memphis. Thinking there would be 
active work at Vicksburg, I prepared to go to Colum- 
bus by rail, and take a steamboat thence to Memphis. 
By this route it was nearly four hundred miles ; but it 
was safer and more expeditious to travel in that way 
than to attempt the "overland" journey of fifty miles 
in a direct line. 

There were rumors that the Rebels contemplated a 
raid upon Holly Springs, for the purpose of cutting 
General Grant's communications and destroying the 
supplies known to be accumulated there. From the 
most vague and obscurely-worded hints, given by a 
Secessionist, I inferred that such a movement was ex- 
pected. The Eebels were arranging a cavalry force to 
strike a blow somewhere upon our line of raihvay, and 
there was no point more attractive than Holly Springs. 
I attached no importance to the story, as I had invaria- 
bly known the friends of the Eebels to predict wonder- 
ful movements that never occurred. 

Meeting the post-commandant shortly afterward, I 



240 VxiN DORN'S EAID. 

told liim what I liad heard. He assured ,me there was 
nothing to fear, and that every thing was arranged to 
insure a successful defense. On this point I did not 
agree with him. I knew very well that the garrison 
was not properly distributed to oppose a dash of the 
enemy. There were hut feAV men on picket, and no pre- 
cautions had heen taken against surprise. Our accumu- 
lation of stores was sufficiently large to he worth a 
strong effort to destroy them. As I was ahout ready to 
leave, I concluded to take the first train to Columbus. 

Less than forty-eight hours after my departure. Gen- 
eral Van Dorn, at the head of five thousand men, enter- 
ed Holly Springs with very slight opposition. He found 
every thing nearly as he could have arranged it had he 
planned the defense himself. The commandant, Colonel' 
Murphy, was afterward dismissed the service for his 
negligence in preparing to defend the place after being 
notified by General Grant that the enemy was moving 
to attack him. 

The accumulation of supplies at the railway depot, 
and all the railway buildings, with their surroundings, 
were burned. Two trains of cars were standing ready 
to move, and these shared a similar fate. In the center 
of the town, a building we were using as a magazine 
was blown up. The most of the business portion of 
Holly Springs was destroyed by fire, communicated from 
this magazine. 

During the first year of the war, Holly Springs was . 
selected as the site of a " Confederate States Arsenal," 
and a series of extensive buildings erected at great ex- 



•GALLANTEY OF A SMALL GARRISOK 241 

pense. We had converted these buildings into hospi- 
tals, and were fittmg them up with suitable accom- 
modations for a large number of sick and wounded. 
After ordering our surgeons to removQ their patients, the 
Rebels set fire to the hospitals while the yellow flag was 
floating over them. General Grant subsequently de- 
nounced this act as contrary to the usages of war. 

The Rebels remained in Holly Springs until five 
o'clock in the afternoon of the daf of their arrival. At 
their departure they moved in a northerly direction, 
evidently designing to visit Grand Junction, At Davis's 
Mill, about half-way between Holly Springs and Grand 
Junction, they found a small stockade, garrisoned by 
two companies of infantry, protecting the railway bridge. 
They sent forward a flag-of-truce, and demanded the 
instant surrender of the stockade. 

Their demand was not complied with. That garri- 
son, of less than two hundred men, fought Van Dorn's 
entire command four hours, repulsed three successive 
chal-ges, and finally compelled the Rebels to retreat. 
Van Dorn's northward mt)vement was checked, and our 
stores at Grand Junction and Lagrange were saved, by 
the gallantry of tliis little force. General Grant subse- 
quently gave special compliment to the bravery of these 
soldiers and their ofiicers, in an order which was read 
to every regiment in the Army of the Tennessee. 

Our plans were completely deranged by this move- 
ment of the enemy. The supplies and ammunition we 
had relied upon were destroyed, and our communications 
severed.. It was impossible to push further into Missis- 

16 



242 A -FORTUNATE MISFORTimE. 

sippi, and preparations were made for immediate retreat. 
The railway was repaired and the heavy baggage sent 
to the rear as speedily as possible. When this was 
accomplished the. army began to fall back. Oxford, 
Abbeville, and Holly Springs were abandoned, and re- 
turned to the protection of the Rebel flag. !N"orthern 
Mississippi again became the field for guerrilla warfare, 
and a source of supply to the Rebels in the field. The 
campaign for the capture of Yicksburg took a new 
shape from the day our lines were severed. 

A few days before the surrender of Vicksburg, Gen- 
eral Grant, in conversation with some friends, referred 
to his position in Mississippi, six months before. Had 
he pressed forward beyond Grenada, he would have 
been caught in midwinter in a sea of mud, where the 
safety of his army might have been endangered. Van 
Dorn' s raid compelled him to retreat, saved him from a 
possible heavier reverse, and prepared the way for the 
campaign in which Yicksburg finally capitulated. A 
present disaster, it proved the beginning of ultimate 
success. 



DOWN THE MISSISSIPPI. 243 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE BATTLE OF CHICKASAW BAYOU.' 

Leaving Memphis. — Down the Great Ptiver. — Landing in tlie Yazoo. — 
Description of the Ground. — A Night in Bivouac. — Plan of Attack. — 
Moving toward the Hills. — Assaulting the Bluff. — Our Repulse. — 
New Plans. — Withdrawal from the Yazoo. 

On arriving at Mempliis, I found General Sherman's 
expedition was ready to move toward Vickslburg. A 
few of tlie soldiers wlio escaped from the raid on Holly 
Springs had reached Memphis with intelligence of that 
disaster. The news caused much excitement, as the 
strength of the Rebels was greatly exaggerated. A few 
of these soldiers thought Yan Dorn's entire division of 
fifteen or twenty thousand men had been mounted and 
was present at the raid. There were rumors of a con- 
templated attack upon Memphis, after General Sher- 
man's departure. 

Unmilitary men thought the event might delay the 
movement upon Yickshurg, but it did not have that 
effect. General Sherman said he had no official knowl- 
edge that Holly Springs had been captured, and could 
do no less than carry out his orders. The expedition 
sailed, its various divisions making a rendezvous at 
Friar's Point, twelve miles below Helena, on the night 
of the 22d of December. From this place "to the moutl;i 



244 0]^ THE YAZOO. 

of the Yazoo, we moved leisurely down the Mississippi, 
halting a day near Milliken' s Bend, almost in sight of 
Vicksburg. We passed a portion of Christmas-Day 
near the mouth Of the Yazoo. 

On the morning of the 26th of December, the fleet of 
sixty transports, convoyed by several gun-boats, com- 
menced the ascent of the Yazoo. This stream debouches 
into the Mssisgippi, fifteen miles above Yicksburg, by 
the course of the current, though the distance in an air- 
line is not more than six miles. Ten or twelve miles 
above its mouth, the Yazoo sweeps the base of the range 
of hills on which Vicksburg stands, at a point nearly 
behind the city. It was therefore considered a feasible 
route to the rear of Vicksburg. 

In a letter which I wrote on that occasion, I gave the 
following descrii)tion of the country adjoining the river, 
and the incidents of a night bivouac before the battle : — 
"The bottom-land of the Yazoo is covered with a 
heavy growth of tall cypress-trees, whose limbs are 
everywhere interlaced. In many places the forest has a 
dense undergrowth, and in others it is quite clear, and 
affords easy passage to mounted men. These huge trees 
are heavily draped in the 'hanging moss,' so common in 
the Southern States, which gives them a most gloomy 
ajDpearance. The moss, everywhere pendent from the 
limbs of the trees, covers them like a shroud, and in 
some localities shuts out the sunlight. In these forests 
there are numerous bayous that form a net- work con- 
verting the land into a series of islands. When separ- 
ated from your companions, you can easily imagine 



CAMPING OUT. 245 

yourself in a wilderness. In the wild woods of the 
Oregon there is no greater solitude." 

"On the afternoon of the 27th, I started from the 
transports, and accompanied our left wing, which 
was advancing on the east side of Chickasaw Bayou. 
The road lay along the crest of the levee which had 
been thrown up on the hank of the hayou, to protect 
the fields on that side against inundation. This road 
was only wide enough for the passage of a single wagon. 
Our progress was very slow, on account of the necessity 
for removing heavy logs across the levee. When night 
overtook' us, we made our bivouac in the forest, about 
three miles from the river. 

"I had taken with me but a single blanket, and a 
haversack containing my note-book and a few crackers. 
That night in bivouac acquainted me with some of the 
discomforts of war-making on the Yazoo. The ground 
was moist from recent rains, so that dry places were dif- 
ficult to find. A fellow-journalist proposed that we 
unite our blankets, and form a double bed for mutual 
advantage. To this I assented. When my friend 
came forward, to rest in our combined couch, I found 
his 'blanket' was purely imaginary, having been left 
on the steamer at his departure. For a while we 
' doubled,' but I was soon deserted, on account of the 
barrenness of my accommodations. 

"ISTo fires were allowed, as they might reveal our po- 
sition to the watchful enemy. The night was cold. Ice 
formed at the edge of the bayou, and there was a thick 



246 SLEEPING UKDER DIFFICULTIES. 

frost on the little patches of open ground. A negro 
who had lived in that region said the swamp nsually 
abounded in moccasins, copperheads, and cane-snakes, 
in large numbers. An occasional rustling of the leaves 
at my side led me to imagine these snakes were endeav- 
oring to make my acquaintance. 

"Laying aside my snake fancies, it was too cold to 
sleep. As fast as I would fall into a doze, the chill of 
the atmosphere would steal through my blanket, and 
remind me of my location. Half-sleeping and half- 
waM^g, I dreamed of every thing disagreeable. I had 
visions of Greenland's icy mountains, of rambles in 
Siberia, of my long-past midwinter nights in the snow- 
drifted gorges of Colorado, of shipwreck, and of burn- 
ing dwellings, and of all moving accidents by flood and 
field ! These dreams followed each other witli a rapid- 
ity that far outstripped the workings of the electric tele- 
graph. 

"Cold and dampness and snakes and fitful dreams 
were not the only bodily discomforts. A dozen horses 
were loose in camp, and trotting gayly about. Several 
times they passed at a careless pace within a yard of 
my head. Once the foremost of the caballada jumped 
directly over me, and was followed by the rest. My 
comments on these eccentricities of that noble animal, 
the horse, provoked the derision rather than the sympa- 
thy of those who heard them. 

"A teamster, who mistook me for a log, led his mules 
over me. A negro, under the same delusion, attempted 
to convert me into a chair, and another wanted to break 



SHERMAN'S ASSAULT. 247 

me up for fuel, to be used in making a fire after day- 
light. Each of these little blunders evoked a gentle 
remonstrance, that effectually prevented a repetition by 
the same individual. 

"A little past daylight a shell from the Rebel bat- 
teries exploded within twenty yards of my position, 
and warned me that it was time to rise. To make my 
toilet, I pulled the sticks and leaves from my hair and 
beard, and brushed my overcoat with a handful of moss. 
I breakfasted on a cracker and a spoonful of whisky. 
1 gave my horse a handful of corn and a large quantity 
of leaves. The former he ate, but the latter he refused 
to touch, ' The column began to move, and I was ready 
to attend upon its fortunes." 

General Sherman's plan was to effect a landing on 
the Yazoo, and, by taldng possession of the bluffs, 
sever the communication between Vicksburg and the 
interior. It was thought the garrison of Vicksburg had 
been greatly weakened to re-enforce the army in Gen- 
eral Grant' s front, so that our success would be certain 
when we once gained the bluffs. 

A portion of our forces effected a landing on the 
26th, but the whole command was not on shore till the 
27th. Fighting commenced on the 27th, and became 
more earnest on the 28th, as we crowded toward the 
bluffs. 

In moving from the steamboat landing to the base of 
the bluffs on the 28th, our army encountered the enemy 
at several points, but forced him back without serious 
loss on either side. It appeared to be the Rebel design 



248 ATTACKING THE BLUFFS. 

not to make any resistance of magnitude until we had 
crossed the lower ground and were near the base of the 
line of hills protecting Yicksburg. 

Not far from the foot of the bluffs there was a bayou, 
which formed an excellent front for the first line of the 
Rebel defenses. On our right we attempted to cross 
this bayou with a portion of Moi-gan L. Smith's Division, 
but the Rebel fire was so severe that we were repulsed. 
On our extreme right a similar attempt obtained the 
same result. 

On our left the bayou was crossed by General Mor- 
gan' s and General Steele' s Divisions at two or three 
points, and our forces gained a position close up to the 
edge of the bluff. 

At eleven a. m. on the 29th, an assault was made by 
three brigades of infantry upon the works of the enemy 
on this portion of the line. General Blair and General 
Thayer from Steele's Division, pushed forward through 
an abatis which skirted the edge of the baj^ou, and 
captured the first line of Rebel rifle-pits. From this 
line the brigades pressed two hundred yards further 
up the hillside, and temporarily occupied a portion of 
the second line. Fifty yards beyond was a small clump 
of trees, which was gained by one regiment, the Thir- 
teenth Illinois, of General Blair' s Brigade. 

The Rebels massed heavily against these two bri- 
gades. Our assaulting force had not been followed by 
a supporting column, and was unable to hold the works 
it captured. It feU back to the bayou and re-formed 
its line. One of General Morgan's brigades occupied a 



A FLAG-OF-TRUCE. 249 

portion of tlie rifle-pits at the time tlie liill was assaulted 
by tlie brigades from General Steele' s Division. 

During the afternoon of the 29th, preparations were 
made for another assault, but the plan was not carried 
out. It was found the Rebels had been re-enforced at 
that point, so that we had great odds against us. The 
two contending armies rested within view of each other, 
throwing a few shells each hour, to give notice of their 
presence. 

After the assault, the ground between the contending 
lines was covered with dead and wounded men of our 
army. A flag-of-truce was sent out on the afternoon of 
the 29 th, to arrange for burying the dead and bringing 
away the wounded, but the Rebels would not receive 
it. Sunrise on the 30th, noon, sunset, and sunrise again, 
and they lay there still. On the 31st, a truce of five 
hours was arranged, and the work of humanity accom- 
plished. A heavy rain had fallen, rendering the ground 
unfit for the rapid moving of infantry and artillery, in 
front of the Rebel position. 

On the evening of the 31st, orders were issued for a 
new plan of attack at another part of the enemy's lines. 
A division was to be embarked on the transports, and 
landed as near as possible to the Rebel fortifications on 
Haines's Bluff, several miles up the Yazoo. The gun- 
boats were to take the advance, engage the attention of 
the forts, and cover the landing. Admiral Porter ordered 
Colonel Ellet to go in advance, with a boat of his ram 
fleet, to remove the obstructions the Rebels had placed 
in the river, under the guns of the fort. A raft was 



250 SHEKMAN'S INSTRUCTIONS. 

attaclied to the Ibow of the ram, and on the end of the 
raft was a torpedo containing a half ton of powder. 

Admiral Porter contended that the explosion of the 
torpedo would remove the ohstructions, so that the fleet 
could proceed. Colonel Ellet expressed his readiness to 
obey orders, but gave his opinion that the explosion, 
while effecting its object, would destroy his boat and all 
on board. Some officers and civilians, who knew the 
admiral's antipathy to Colonel Ellet, suggested that the 
former was of the same ojDinion, and therefore desirous 
that the experiment should be made. 

Every thing was in readiness on the morning of the 
1st of January, but a dense fog prevented the execution 
of our new plan. On the following day we withdrew 
from the Yazoo, and ended the second attack uj^on 
Vicksburg. Our loss was not far from two thousand 
men, in all casualties. 

General Sherman claimed to have carried out with 
exactness, the instructions from his superior officers 
respecting the time and manner of the attack. Van 
Dorn's raid upon General Grant's lines, previous to 
Sherman's departure from Memphis, had radically 
changed the military situation. Grant's advance being 
stopped, his co-operation by way of Yazoo City could 
not be given. At the same time, the Rebels were en- 
abled to strengthen their forces at Vicksburg. The 
assault was a part of the great plan for the conquest of 
the Mississippi, and was made in obedience to positive 
orders. Before the orders were carried out, a single 
circumstance had deranged the whole plan. 



GOING TO ARKANSAS POST. 251 

After the fighting was ended and the army had re- 
embarked, preparatory to leaving the Yazoo, General 
Sherman was relieved from command by General Mc- 
Clernand. The latter ofiicer carried out the order for 
withdrawal. The fleet steamed up the Mississippi to 
Milliken's Bend, where it remained for a day or two. 
General McClernand directed that an expedition be made 
against Arkansas Post, a Rebel fortification on the Ar- 
kansas Eiver, fifty miles above its mouth. 

After the first attack upon Yicksburg, in June, 1862, 
the Rebels strengthened the approaches in the rear of 
the city. They threw up defensive works on the line 
of bluffs facing the Yazoo, and erected a strong fortifica- 
tion to prevent our boats ascending that stream. Just 
before General Sherman commenced his assault, the gun- 
boat Benton, aided by another iron-clad, attempted to 
silence the batteries at Haines's Bluff', but was unsuccess- 
ful. Her sides were perforated by the Rebel projectiles, 
and she withdrew from the attack in a disabled con- 
dition. Captain Gwin, her commander, was mortally 
wounded early in the fight. 

Captain -Gwin was married but a few weeks before 
this occurrence. His young wife was on her way from 
the East to visit him, and was met at Cairo with the 
news of his death. 

About two months before the time of our attack, an 
expedition descended the Mississippi from Helena, and 
suddenly appeared near the mouth of the Yazoo. It 
reached Milliken's Bend at night, surprising and captur- 
ing the steamer Fairplay, which was loaded with arms 



252 A SURPRISE. 

and ammuiiition for tlie Rel^els in Arkansas. So quietly 
was tlie capture made, that tlie officers of tlie Fairplay 
were not aware of the change in their situation until 
awakened "by their captors. 



SHERMAN AND THE JOUENALISTS. 253 



CHAPTER XXV. 

BEFORE yiCKSBURG. 

Capture of Arkansas Post.— The Army returns to Milliken's Bend. — 
General Sherman and the Journalists. — Arrest of the Author. — His 
Trial before a Military Court. — Letter from President Lincoln. — 
Capture of Three Journalists. 

The army moved against Arkansas Post, wMcli was 
captured, witk its entire garrison of five thousand men. 
The fort was dismantled and the earth- works leveled to 
the ground. After this was accomplished, the army re- 
turned to Milliken' s Bend. General Grant arrived a few 
days later, and commenced the operations which culmin- 
ated in the fall of Vicksl^urg. 

Before leaving Memphis on the Yazoo expedition, 
General Sherman issued an order excluding all civilians, 
except such as were connected with the transports, and 
threatening to treat as a spy any person who should 
write accounts for publication which might give infor- 
mation to the enemy. No journalists were to be allowed 
to take part in the affair. One who applied for permis- 
sion to go in his professional capacity received a very 
positive refusal. General Sherman had a strong antip- 
athy to journalists, amounting almost to a mania, and he 
was determined to discourage their presence in his move- 
ments against Vicksburg. 



254 THE AUTHOK'S MEREST. 

Five or six correspondents accompanied the expedi- 
tion, some of them on passes from General Grant, which 
were believed superior to General Sherman' s order, and 
others with passes or invitations from officers in the 
expedition. I carried a pass from General Grant, and 
had a personal invitation from an officer who held a 
prominent command in the Army of Arkansas. I had 
passed Memphis, almost without stopping, and was not 
aware of the existence of the prohibitory order until I 
reached the Yazoo. 

I wrote for The Herald an account of the battle, 
which I directed to a friend at Cairo, and placed in the 
mail on board the head-quarters' boat. • The day after 
mailing my letter, I learned it was being read at Gen- 
eral Sherman's head-quarters. The General afterward 
told me that his mail-agent. Colonel Markland, took 
my letter, among others, from the mail, with his full 
assent, though without his order. 

I proceeded to rewrite my account, determined not 
to trust again to the head-quarters' mail. When I was 
about ready to depart, I received the letter which had 
been stolen, bearing evident marks of repeated peru- 
sal. Two maps which it originally contained were not 
returned. I proceeded to Cairo as the bearer of my 
own dispatches. 

On my return to Milliken' s Bend, two weeks later, 
I experienced a new sensation. After two interviews 
with the indignant general, I received a tender of hos- 
pitalities from the provost-marshal of the Army of the 
Tennessee. The tender was made in such form as left 



TEIAL BY COUET-MAETIAL. 255 

no opportunity for declining it. A few days after my 
arrest, I was honored Iby a trial before a military court, 
consisting of a brigadier-general, four colonels, and two 
majors. General Sherman had made the following 
charges against me : — 

FiEST. — " Gimng information to the enemy.' ^ 

Second. — '■^ Being a spy. ^'' 

Third. — '■'- Disotedience of oird^ers.'''' 

The first and second charges were based on my pub- 
lished letter. The third declared that I accompanied the 
expedition without proper authority, and published a 
letter without official sanction. These were my alleged 
offenses. 

My court had a protracted session. It decided there 
was nothing in my letter which violated the provisions 
of the ■ order regulating war correspondence for the 
Press. It declared me innocent of the first and second 
charges. It could see nothing criminal in the manner 
of my accompanying the expedition. 

But I was guilty of something. There was a "Gen- 
eral Order, Number 67," issued in 1861, of whose ex- 
istence neither myself nor, as far as I could ascertain, 
any other journalist, was aware. It provided that no 
person should write, print, or cause to be printed "any 
information respecting military movements, without the 
authority and sanction of the general in command." 

Here was the rock on which I split. I liad written a 
letter respecting military movements, and caused it to 
be printed, "without the sanction of the general in com- 
mand." Correspondents everywhere had done the same 



256 PRISON LIFE. 

thing, and continued to do it till the end of the -war. 
" Order Number 67" was as obsolete as the laws of the 
Medes and Persians, save on that single occasion. Dis- 
patches by telegraph passed under the eye of a Govern- 
ment censor, but I never heard of an instance wherein 
a letter transmitted by mail received any official sanc- 
tion. 

My court was composed of officers from General 
Sherman's command, and was carefully watched by 
that distinguished military chieftain, throughout its 
whole sitting. It wavered in deciding upon the proper 
"punishment" for my offense. Should it banish me 
from that spot, or should I receive an official censure ? 
It concluded to send me outside th-e limits of the Army 
of the Tennessee. 

During the days I passed in the care of the provost- 
marshal, I perused all the novels that the region afford- 
ed. When these were ended, I studied a copy of a well- 
known work on theology, and turned, for light reading, 
to the "Pirate's Own Book." A sympatliizing friend 
sent me a bundle of tracts and a copy of the "Adven- 
tures of John A. Murrell." A volume of lectures upon 
temperance and a dozen bottles of Allsop's pale ale, 
were among the most welcome contributions that I re- 
ceived. The ale disappeared before the lectures had 
been thoroughly digested. 

The chambermaid of the steamboat displayed the 
greatest sympatliy in my belialf. She declined to re- 
ceive payment of a washing-bill, and burst into tears 
when I assured her the money was of no use to me. 



HOW A MILITARY COURT IS FORMED. 257 

Her fears for my welfare were caused by a friglitful 
story that had been told her by a cabin-boy. He 
maliciously represented that I was to be executed for 
attempting to purchase cotton from a Rebel quarter- 
master. The verdant woman believed the story for 
several days. 

It may interest some readers to know that the pj'o- 
ceedings of a court-martial are made in writing. The 
judge-advocate (who holds the same position as the 
prosecuting attorney in a civil case) writes his questions, 
and then reads them aloud. The answers, as they are 
given, are reduced to writing. The questions or objec- 
tions of the prisoner's counsel must be made in writing 
and given to the judge-advocate, to be read to the court. 
In trials where a large number of witnesses must be ex- 
amined, it is now the custom to make use of "short- 
hand" writers. In this way the length of a trial is 
greatly reduced. " \ 

The members of a court-martial sit in full uniform, 
including sash and sword, and preserve a most severe 
and becoming dignity. Whenever the court wishes to 
deliberate upon any point of law or evidence, the room 
is cleared, neither the prisoner nor his counsel being 
allowed to remain. It frequently occurs that the court 
is thus closed during the greater part of its sessions. 
With the necessity for recording all its proceedings, and 
frequent stoppages for deliberation, a trial by a military 
court is ordinarily very slow. 

In obedience to the order of the court, I left the vicin- 
ity of the Army of the Tennessee, and proceeded North. 

17 



258 LETTER FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

In departing from Young's Point, I could not olbey a 
certain Scriptural injunction, as the mud of Louisiana 
adheres like glue, and defies all efibrts to shake it off. 
Mr. Albert D. Eichardson, of Tfie Tribune^ on behalf 
of many of my professional friends, called the attention 
of President Lincoln to the little affair between General 
Sherman and myself. 

In his recently published book of experiences during 
the war, Mr. Richardson has given a full and graphic 
account of his interview with the President. Mr. Lin- 
coln unbent himself from his official cares, told two of 
his best stories, conversed for an hour or more upon the 
military situation, gave his reasons for the removal of 
General McClellan, and expressed his hope in our ulti- 
mate success. Declaring it his inflexible determination 
not to interfere with the conduct of any military depart- 
ment, he wrote the following document : — 

Executive ATansion, 
Washington, March 20, 1863. f 
Whom it may conoeen: 

Whereas it appears to my satisfaction tliat Thomas W. Knox, a cor- 
respondent of The ReiD Toric Herald, has been, by the sentence of a 
court-martial, excluded from the Military Department under command 
of Major-General Grant, and also that General Thayer, president of the 
court-martial, which rendered the sentence, and Major-General McCler- 
riand, in command of a corps of that department, and many other re- 
spectable persons, are of opinion that Mr. Knox's offense was technical, 
rather than willfully wrong, and that the sentence should be revoked : 
Now, therefore, said sentence is hereby so far revoked as to allow Mr. 
Knox to return to General Grant's head-quarters, to remain if General 
Grant shall give his express assent ; and to again leave the department, 
if General Grant shall refuse such assent. 

A. Lincoln. 

With this letter I returned to the army. General 



• GRANT'S MOVEMENTS. 259 

Grant referred the question to General Sherroan. In 
consideration of our quarrel, and knowing tlie unamia- 
ble character of the latter officer, I should have been 
greatly surprised had he given any thing else than a re- 
fusal. I had fully expected to return immediately when 
I left St. Louis, hut, like most persons in a controversy, 
wished to carry my point. 

General Sherman long since retrieved his failure at 
Chickasaw Bayou. Throughout the war he was hon- 
ored with the confidence and friendship of General 
Grant. The career of these officers was not marked "by 
the jealousies that are too frequent in military life. The 
hero of the campaign from Chattanooga to Raleigh is 
destined to he known in history. In those successful 
marches, and in the victories won by his tireless and 
never vanquished army, he has gained a reputation that 
may well be enduring. ' - 

Soon after my return from Young's Point, General 
Grant crossed the Mississippi at Grand Gulf, and made 
his daring and successful movement to attain the rear of 
Vicksburg. Starting with a force less than the one his 
opponent could bring against him, he cut loose from his 
communications and succeeded in severing the enemy's 
line of supplies. From Grand Gulf to Jackson, and 
from Jackson to the rear of Vicksburg, was a series of 
brilliant marches and brilliant victories. Once seated 
where he had his antagonist's army inclosed, General 
Grant opened his lines to the Yazoo, supplied himself 
with every thing desired, and pressed the siege at his 
leisure. With the fall of Vicksburg, and the fall, a few 



260 CAPTURE OF THEEE CORRESPONDENTS. • 

days later, of Port Hudson, "the Father of Waters went 
Tinvexed to the Sea." 

While the army was crossing the Mississippi at 
' Grand Gulf, tjiree well-known journalists, Albei't D. 
'' Richardson and Junius H. Browne, of The Tribune^ and 
/Richard T. Colhurn, of Tlie Worlds attempted to run 
past the Rebel batteries at Vicksburg, on board a tug 
at midnight.^ The tug was blown up and destroyed ; the 
journalists were captured and taken to the Rebel prison 
at Vicksburg. Thence they were removed to Richmond, 
occupying, while en route ^ the prisons of a half-dozen 
Rebel cities. Mr. Colburn was soon released, but the 
companions of his adventure were destined to jDass near- 
ly two years in the prisons of the Confederacy. By a 
fortunate escaj)e and a midwinter march of nearly four 
hundi'ed miles, they reached our lines in safety. In 
books and in lecture-rooms, they have since told the 
story of their captivity and flight. 

I have sometimes thought my little quarrel with 
General Sherman proved "a blessing in disguise," in 
saving me from a similar experience of twenty months 
in Rebel prisons. 



KANSAS DUEING THE WAR. 261 



CHAPTER XXYI. . 

KANSAS IN WAR-TIME. 

A Visit to Kansas.-^RecoUections of Border Feuds. — Peculiarities of 
Kansas Soldiers, — Foraging as a Fine Art. — Kansas and Missouri. — 
Settling Old Scores. — Depopulating the Border Counties. — Two Ex- 
amples of Grand Strategy. — Capture of the "Little-More-Grape" 
Battery. — A Woman in Sorrow. — Frontier Justice. — Trial before a 
"Lynch" Court. — General Blunt's Order. — Execution of Horse- 
Thieves. — Auction Sale of Confiscated Property. — Banished to Dixie. 

In May, 1863, I made a liasty visit to Western Mis- 
souri and Kansas, to observe tlie effect of the war in that 
quarter. Seven years earlier the "border warfare attract- 
ed much attention. The great Rebellion caused Kansas 
and its troubles to sink into insignificance. Since the 
first election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, Kansas 
►has been rarely mentioned. 

I passed through this young State in the summer of 
1860. I was repeatedly told : "We have old grudges 
that we wish to settle ; if the troubles ever break out 
again in any part of the United States, we hope to cross 
out our account." " When the war opened, the people 
of Kansas saw their opportunity for "making square 
work," as they expressed it, with Missouri and the 
other slave States. They placed two regiments of volun- 
teers in the field with as much celerity as was displayed 
in many of the older and more populous States. These 



262 QUALITIES OF KiVNSAS SOLDIERS. 

regiments were followed "by otliers until fully half the 
able-bodied population of Kansas was in the service. 
In some localities the proportion was even greater than 
this. 

The dash and daring of these Kansas soldiers became 
proverbial. At Wilson Creek, two regiments from 
Kansas had their first experience of battle, and bore 
themselves most nobly. The conduct of other Kansas 
soldiers, on other battle-fields, was equally commenda- 
ble. Their bravery and endurance was only equaled 
by their ability in foraging. 

Horses, mules, cattle, and provisions have, in all 
times, been considered the legitimate spoils of war. 
The Kansas soldiers did not confine themselves to the 
above, but appropriated every thing portable and val- 
uable, whether useful or useless. Their example was 
* contagious, and the entire army soon learned to fol- 
low it. 

.During General Grant's campaign in Mississippi in 
'62, the Seventh Kansas Cavalry obtained a reputation 
for ubiquity and lawlessness. Every man who engaged 
in plundering on his own account, no matter to what 
regunent he belonged, invariably announced himself a 
member of the Seventh Kansas. Every countryman 
who Avas robbed declared the robbery was committed 
by the Seventh Kansas " Jayhawkers." Uniting all tlio 
stories of robbery, one would conclude that the Seventh 
Kansas was about twenty thousand strong, and constant- 
ly in motion by fifty difierent roads, leading to all points 
of the compass. 



THE "JAYHAWKERS." 263 

One day a soldier of the Second Illinois Cavalry gave 
rae an account of Ms experience in liorse- stealing. 

"Jim and I went to an old farmer's house, and told 
liim we wanted liis horses. He said he wanted to use 
them himself, and couldn't spare them. 

" 'That don't make no sort of difference,' said I; 
' we want your horses more than you do.' 

' ' ' What regiment do you belong to V 

" ' Seventh Kansas Jayhawkers. The whole regiment 
talks of coming round here. I reckon I'll bring 
them.' 

'• When I told him that," said the soldier, " he said 
I might take the horses, if I would only go away. He 
offered me a pint of whisky if I would promise not to 
bring the regiment there. Jim and me drank the whis- 
ky, and told him we would use our influence for 
him." 

Before the war was ended, the entire armies of the 
Southwest were able to equal the "Jayhawkers" in 
foraging. The march of Sherman's column through 
Mississippi, and afterward through Georgia and South 
Carolina, fully proved this. Particularly in the latter 
State, which originated the Rebellion, were the accom- 
plishments of the foragers most conspicuously displa3^ed. 
Our army left very little for another army to use. 

The desolation which was spread through the South- 
ern States was among the most effective blows at the 
Rebellion. The Rebels were taught in the most practi- 
cal manner, that insurrection was not to be indulged in 
with impunity. Those who suffered most were gener- 



284 TAKING THEIE EEVENGE. 

allj among the earliest to sue for peace. Sherman's 
terse answer to the mayor of Atlanta, when the . latter 
protested against the banishment of the inhabitants, 
was appreciated by the Rebels after our final cam- 
paigns. "War is cruelty — you cannot refine it," 
speaks a volume in a few words. 

When hostilities commenced, the Kansas regiments 
were clamorous to be led into Missouri. During the 
border war of '55 and ^56, Missourians invaded Kansas 
to control the elections by force of arms, and killed, 
often in cold blood, many of the quiet citizens of the 
Territory. The tier of counties in Missouri adjoining 
Kansas were most anxious to make the latter a slave 
State, and used every possible means to accomplish 
their object. 

The Kansas soldiers had their wish. They marched 
through Missouri. Those who had taken i)art in the 
outrages upon Kansas, five years earlier, were made to 
feel the hand of retribution. If they had burned the 
buildings of free-State settlers in ^56, they found their 
own houses destroyed in ' 62. In the old troubles they 
contended for their right to make whatever warfare they 
chose j but were astounded and horrified in the latter 
days, when the tables were turned against them by 
those they had wronged. 

Along the frontier of Missouri the old system of war- 
fare was revived. Guerrillj^ bands were foiined, of 
which Quantrel and similar men were the leaders. Va- 
rious incursions were made into Kansas by these ma- 
rauders, and the dejpredations were worse than ever. 



MAJOR-GENERAL BLUNT. 265 

They culminated in tlie burning of Lawrence and the 
massacre of its inhabitants. 

To break up these guerrilla bands, it became neces- 
sary to depopulate the western tier of counties in Mis- 
souri, from^the Missouri River down to tlie thirty-eighth 
parallel of latitude. The most wealthy of these was 
Jackson County. Before the war it had a slave popula- 
tion of not far from four thousand, and its fields were 
highly productive. Two years after the war broke out 
it contained less than three hundred slaves, and its 
wealth had diminished in almost as great proportion. 
This was before any freedom had been officially de- 
clared to the slaves in the Border States. The order of 
depopulation had the desired effect. It brought peace 
to the border, though at a terrible cost. Missouri suf- 
fered greatly, and so did Kansas. 

The most prominent officer that Kansas furnished 
during the Rebellion, was Brigadier-General Blunt. At 
the beginning of the war he enlisted as a private sol- 
dier, but did not remain long in the ranks. His reputa- 
tion in the field was that of a brave and recldess officer, 
who had little regard to military forms. His successes 
were due to audacity and daring, rather than to skill in 
handling troops, or a knowledge of scientific warfare. 

The battle of Cane Hill is said to have commenced 

• by General Blunt and his orderlies attacking a Rebel 

picket. The general was surveying the country with 

his orderlies and a company of cavalry, not suspecting 

the enemy was as near as he proved to be. 

At the moment Blunt came upon the picket, the cav- 



266 TWO BITS OF STRATEGY. 

airy was looking in another direction. Firing began, 
and tlie picket was driven in and fell "back to a piece of 
artillery, wkick had an infantry support. Blunt was 
joined by liis cavalry, and the gun was taken by a vigor- 
ous cliarge and turned upon the Rebels. The latter 
were kept at bay until the main force was brought up 
and joined in the conflict. The Rebels believed we had 
a much larger number than we really possessed, else 
our first assault might have proved a sudden repulse. 
The same daring was kept up throughout the battle, 
and gave us the victory. 

At this battle we captured four guns, two of which 
bore a history of more than ordinary interest. Tliey 
were of the old " Bragg' s Battery" that turned the scale 
at Buena Vista, in obedience to General Taylor' s man- 
date, "Give them a little more grape, captain." After 
the Mexican war they were sent to the United States 
Arsenal at Baton Rouge, whence they were stolen when 
the insurrection commenced. They were used against 
us at Wilson Creek and Pea Ridge. 

At another battle, whose name I have forgotten, our 
entire force of about two thousand men was deployed 
into a skirmish line that extended far beyond the ene- 
my's flanks. The Rebels were nearly six thousand 
strong, and at first manifested a disposition to stand 
their ground. By the audacity of our stratagem they 
were completely deceived. So large a skirmish line was 
an indication of a proportionately strong force to support 
it. When they found us closing in upon their flanks, 
they concluded we were far superior in numbers, and 



FEMALE GRIEF, AND ITS CAUSE. 267 

certain to overwlielm them. With but slight resistance 
they fled the field, leaving much of their transportation 
and equipments to fall into our hands. We called in 
our skirmishers and pressed them in vigorous pursuit, 
capturing wagons and stragglers as we moved. 

A year after this occurrence the Rebels played the 
same trick upon our own forces near Fort Smith, Ar- 
kansas, and were successful in driving us before them. 
With about five hundred cavalry they formed a skir- 
mish line that outflanked our force of two thousand. 
We fell back several miles to the protection of the fort, 
where we awaited attack. It is needless to say that no 
assault was made. 

Van Buren, Arkansas, was captured by eighteen men 
ten miles in advance of any support. This little force 
moved upon the town in a deployed line and entered at 
one side, while a Rebel regiment moved out at the other. 
Our men thought it judicious not to pursue, but estab- 
lished head- quarters, and sent a messenger to hurry up 
the column before the Rebels should discover the true 
state of afiairs. The head of the column was five hours 
in making its appearance. 

When the circumstance became known the next day, 
one of our officers found a lady crying very bitterly, and 
asked what calamity had befallen her. 

As soon as she could speak she said, through her 
sobs : 

"I am not crying because you have captured the 
place. We expected that." Then came a fresh out- 
burst of grief. 



268 BORDEPw OUTEAGES. 

'' Wliat are you crying for, tlien ?" asked the officer. 

*' I am crying "because jow. took it with only eighteen 
men, when we had a thousand that ran away from you !'* 

Tlie officer thought the reason for her sorrow was 
am^Dly sufficient, and allowed her to i)roceed with her 
weeping. 

On the day of my arrival at Atchison there was more 
than ordinary excitement. For several months there 
had Ibeen much disregard of law outside of the most 
densely populated portions of the State. Robberies, 
and murders for the sake of robbery, were of frequent 
occurrence. In one week a dozen persons met violent 
deaths. A citizen remarked to me that he did not con- 
sider the times a great improvement over '55 and ^^Q. 

Ten days before my arrival, a party of ruffians 
visited the house of a citizen about twelve miles from 
Atchison, for the purpose of robbery. The man was 
supposed to have several hundred dollars in his pos- 
session — the proceeds of a sale of stock. He had placed 
his funds in a bank at Leavenworth ; but his visitors 
refused to believe his statement to that effect. They 
maltreated the farmer and his wife, and ended by hang- 
ing the farmer's son to a rafter and leaving him for 
dead. In departing, tliey took away all the horses and 
mules they could find. 

Five of these men were arrested on the following day, 
and taken to Atchison. The judge before whom they 
were brought ordered them committed for trial. On 
the way from the court-house to the jail the men were 
taken from the sheriff by a crowd of citizens. Instead 



LYE"CH-LAW. 269 

of going to jail, tliey were carried to a grove near tlie 
town and placed on trial before a "Lynch " court. The 
trial was conducted with all solemnity, and with every 
display of impartiality to the accitsed. The .jury decided 
that two of the prisoners, who had been most prominent 
in the outrage, should be hanged on that day, wbile the 
others were remanded to jail for a regular trial. One of 
the condemned was executed. The other, after having 
a rope around his neck, was respited and taken to jail. 

On the same day two additional arrests were made, 
of parties concerned in the outrage. These men were 
tried by a "Lynch" court, as their companions had 
been tried on the previous day. One of them was hang- 
ed, and the other sent to jail. 

For some time the civil power had been inadequate 
to the punishment of crime. The laws of the State were 
so loosely framed that offenders had excellent opportu- 
nities to escape their deserts by taking advantage of 
technicalities. The people determined to take the law 
into their own hands, and give it a thorough execution. 
For the good of society, it was necessary to put a stoj) 
to the outrages that had been so frequently committed. 
Their only course in such cases was to administer justice 
without regard to the ordinary forms. 

A delegation of the citizens of Atchison visited Leav- 
enworth after the arrests had been made, to confer with 
General Blunt, the commander of the District, on the 
best means of securing order. They made a full repre- 
sentation of the state of affairs, and requested that two 
of the prisoners, then in jail, should be delivered to the 



270 A CUFJOUS OEDEE. 

citizens for trial. They obtained an order to that effect, 
addressed to the sheriff, who was holding the prisoners 
in charge. 

On the morning of the day following the reception of 
the order, people began to assemble in Atchison from all 
parts of the county to witness the trial. As nearly all 
the outrages had been committed upon the farmers who 
lived at distances from each other, the trial was conduct, 
ed by the men from the rural districts. The residents 
of the city took little part in the affair. About ten 
o'clock in the forenoon a meeting was called to order in 
front of the court-house, where the following document 

was read : — 

Head-Qttaetee3 Disteict of Kansas, ) 
FoET LEAYEsrwoETH, May 22, 18G3. ) 
To The Sheriff of Atohison Codntt: 

Sir : — In view of the alarming increase of crime, the insecurity of life 
and property within this military district, the inefficiency of the civil 
law to punish offenders, and the small number of troops under my com- 
mand making it impossible to give such protection to loyal and law- 
abiding citizens as I would otherwise desire ; yon will therefore deliver 
the prisoners, Daniel Mooney and Alexander Brewer, now in your pos- 
session, to the citizens of Atchison County, for trial and punishment by 
a citizens' court. This course, which in ordinary times and under differ- 
ent circumstances could not be tolerated, is rendered necessary for the 
protection of the property and lives of honest citizens against the law- 
less acts of thieves and assassins, who, of late, have been perpetrating 
their crimes with fearful impunity, and to prevent which nothing but 
the most severe and summary punishment will suffice. In conducting 
these irregular proceedings, it is to be hoped they will bo controlled by 
men of respectability, and that cool judgment and discretion will char- 
acterize their actions, to the end that the innocent may be protected 
and the guilty punished. 

Eespectfully, your obedient servant, 

James G. Blunt, 

Major- General. 



A TEIAL AND EXEOUTIOK 271 

After tlie reading of tlie albove order, resol ations in- 
dorsing and sustaining the action of G eneral Blunt were 
passed unanimously. The following resolutions were 
passed separately, their reading being greeted with loud 
cheers. They are examples of strength rather than of 
elegance. 

'■'■Resolved, That we pledge ourselves not to stop hanging until the 
tliieves stop thieving. 

'•'■Resolved, Tliat as this is a citizens' court, we have no us-^ for law- 
yers, either for the accused or for the people." 

A judge and jury were selected from the assemblage, 
and embraced some of the best known and most re- 
spected citizens of the county. Their selection was 
voted upon, just as if they had been the officers of a 
political gathering. As soon as elected, they proceeded 
to the trial of the prisoners. 

The evidence was direct and conclusive, and the 
prisoners were sentenced to death by hanging. The ver- 
dict was read to the multitude, and a vote taken upon its 
acceptance or rejection. Mneteen-twentieths of those 
present voted that the sentence should be carried into 
execution. 

The prisoners were taken from the court-house to the 
grove where the preceding executions had taken place. 
They were made to stand upon a high wagon while ropes 
were placed about tlieir necks and attached to the limb 
of a large, spreading elm. When all was ready, the 
wagon was suddenly drawn from beneath the prisoners, 
and their earthly career was ended. 

A half-hour later the crowd had dispersed. The 



272 CONSTITUTIOJ^AL RIGHTS OF EEBELS. 

following morning showed few traces of tlie excitement 
of the previous day. The executions were effectual in 
restoring quiet to the region which had been so much 
disturbed. 

The Rebel sympathizers in St. Louis took many occa- 
sions to complain of the tyranny of the National Govern- 
ment. At the outset there was a delusion that the Gov- 
ernment had no rights that should be respected, while 
every possible right belonged to the Rebels. General 
Lyon removed the arms from the St. Louis arsenal to a 
place of safety at Springfield, Illinois. "He had no 
constitutional right to do that," was the outcry of the 
Secessionists. He commenced the organization of Union 
volunteers for the defense of the city. The Constitu- 
tion made no provision for this. He captured Camp 
Jackson, and took his prisoners to the arsenal. This, 
they declared, was a most flagrant violation of con- 
stitutional privileges. He moved upon the Rebels in 
the interior, and the same defiance of law was alleged. 
He suppressed the secession organ in St. Louis, thus 
trampling ui^on the liberties of the Rebel Press. 

General Fremont declared the slaves of Rebels were 
free, and thus infringed upon the rights of property. 
Numbers of active, persistent traitors were arrested and 
sent to military prisons : a manifest tyranny on the part 
of the Government. In one way and another the unfor- 
tunate and long-suffering Rebels were most sadly abused, 
if their own stories are to be regarded. 

It was forbidden to display Rebel emblems in public : 
a cruel restriction of personal right. The wealthy Seces- 



SALE OF OOITFISOATED GOODS. 273 

sionists of St. Louis were assessed tlie sum of ten thou- 
sand dollars, for tlie "benefit of the Union refugees from 
Arkansas and other points in the Southwest. This was 
another outrage. These persons could not understand 
why they should "be called upon to contribute to the 
support of Union people who had been rendered house- 
less and penniless by Eebels elsewhere. They made a 
most earnest protest, but their remonstrances were of no 
avail. In default of payment of the sums assessed, their 
superfluous furniture was seized and sold at auction. 
This was a violation of the laws that exempt household 
property from seizure. 

The auction sale of these goods was largely attended. 
The bidding was very spirited. Pianos, ottomans, mir- 
rors, sofas, chairs, and all the adornments of the homes 
of affluence, were sold for "cash in United States Treas- 
ury notes." Some of the parties assessed declared they 
would pay nothing on the assessment, but they recon- 
sidered their decisions, and bought their own property 
at the auction-rooms, without regard to the prices they 
paid. In subsequent assessments they found it better 
to pay without hesitation whatever sums were demanded 
of them. They spoke and labored against the Union 
until they found such efforts were of no use. They 
could never understand why they should not enjoy the 
protection of the flag without being called upon to give 
it material aid. 

In May, 1863, another grievance was added to the 
list. It became necessary, for the good of the city, to 
banish some of the more prominent Rebel sympathizers. 

18 



274 BANISHING KEBEL WOMEN. 

It was a measure whicli tlie Rebels and tlieir friends 
opposed in the strongest terms. These persons were 
anxious to see the Confederacy established, but could 
not consent to live in its limits. They resorted to every 
•device to evade the order, but were not allowed to re- 
main. Representations of j)ersonal and financial incon- 
•venience were of no avail ; go they must. 

The first exodus took place on the 13th of May. An 
immense crowd thronged tlie levee as the boat which 
was to remove the exiles took its dej^arture. In all 
there were about thirty persons, half of them ladies. 
The men were escorted to the boat on foot, but the ladies 
were brought to the landing in carriages, and treated 
with every possible courtesy. A strong guard was 
posted at the landing to preserve order and allow no 
insult of any Idnd to the prisoners. 

One of the young women ascended to the hurricane 
roof of the steamer and cheered for the " Confederacy." 
As the boat swung into the stream, this lady was joined 
by two others, and the trio united their sweet voices in 
singing "Dixie" and the "Bonnie Blue Flag." There 
was no cheering or other noisy demonstration at their 
departure, though there was a little waving of handker- 
chiefs, and a few tokens of farewell were given. This 
departure was soon followed by others, until St. Louis 
was cleared of its most turbulent spirits. 



GOING EAST UNDER ORDERS. 275 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

GETTYSBURG. 

A Hasty Departure. — At Harrisburg. — En route for the Army of the 
Potomac. — The Battle-Field at Gettysburg. — Appearance of the Cem- 
etery. — Importance of the Position. — The Configuration of Ground. 
— Traces of Battle. — Round Hill. — General Meade's Head-Quarters. 
— Appearance of the Dead. — Through the Forests along the Line. — 
Retreat and Pursuit of Lee. 

While in St. Louis, late in June, 1863, 1 receiyed the 
following telegram : — 

"Heeald Offiok, ) 
" New Yoek, June 28. \ 
"Report at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, at the earliest possible mo- 
ment." 

'Two hours later, I was traveling eastward as fast as 
an express train could carry me. 

The Rebel army, under General Lee, had crossed 
the Potomac, and was moving toward Harrisl)urg. The 
Army of the Potomac was in rapid pursuit. A battle 
was imminent between Harrisburg and Baltimore. 

' Waiting a day at Harrisburg, I found the capital of 
the Keystone State greatly excited. The people were 
slow to move in their own behalf. Earth-works were 
being thrown up on the south bank of the Susquehanna, 
priiicipally by the soldiers from other parts of Pennsyl- 
vania and from IS'ew York. 



276 ENTHUSIASM AT nARRISBUKG. 

"When it was first announced that the enemy was 
approaching, only seventeen men volunteered to form a 
local defense. I saw no such enthusiasm on the part of 
the inhahitants as I had witnessed at Cincinnati during 
the previous autumn. Pennsylvania sent many regi- 
ments to the field during the war, and her soldiers 
gained a fine reputation ; hut the hest friends of the 
State will doubtless acknowledge that Harrisburg was 
slow to act when the Rebels made their last great 
invasion. 

I was ordered to join the Army of the Potomac 
wherever I could find it. As I left Harrisburg, I 
learned that a battle was in progress. Before I could 
reach the field the great combat had taken place. The 
two contending armies had made Gettysburg historic. 

I joined our army on the day after the battle. I 
could find no person of my acquaintance, amid the 
confusion that followed the termination of three days' 
fighting. The army moved in pursuit of Lee, whose 
retreat was just commencing. ^ As our long lines 
stretched away toward the Potomac, I walked over 
the ground where the battle had raged, and studied the 
picture that was presented. I reproduce, in part, my 
letter of that occasion : — 

" Getttsbtjeg, Peknstlvakia, July 6, 18G3. 

"To-day I have passed along the whole ground 
where the lines of battle were drawn. The place bears 
evidence of a fierce struggle. The shocks of those two 
great armies surging and resurging, the one against the 



AT GETTYSBURG. 277 

other, could hardly pass without leaving their traces in 
fearful characters. At Waterloo, at Wagram, and at 
Jena the wheat grows more luxuriantly, and the corn 
shoots its stalks further toward the sky than before the 
great conflicts that rendered those fields famous. The 
troad acres of Gettysburg and Antietam will in future 
years yield the farmer a richer return than he has hith- 
to received. 

"Passing out of Gettysburg by the Baltimore turn- 
pike, we come in a few steps to the entrance of the cem- 
etery. Little of the inclosure remains, save the gate- 
way, from which the gates have been torn. The neat 
wooden fence, first thrown down to facilitate the move- 
ment of our artillery, was used for fuel, as the soldiers 
made their camp on the spot. A few scattered palings 
are all that remain. The cemetery was such as we 
usually find near thrifty towns like Gettysburg. None 
of the monuments and adornings were highly expensive, 
though all were neat, and a few were elaborate. There 
was considerable taste displayed in the care of the 
grounds, as we can see from the few traces that remain. 
The eye is arrested by a notice, prominently posted, 
forbidding the destruction or mutilation of any shrub, 
tree, or stone about the place, under severe penalties. 
The defiance that war gives to the civil law is forcibly 
apparent as one peruses those warning lines. 

" Monuments and head-stones lie everywhere over- 
turned. Graves, which loving hands once carefully 
adorned, have been trampled by horses' feet until the 
vestiges of verdure have disappeared. The neat and 



278 A BATTLE IN" A CEMETERY. 

well-trained shrubbery has vanished, or is but a broken 
and withered mass of tangled brushwood. On one 
grave lies the body of a horse, fast decomposing under 
the July sun. On another lie the torn garments of some 
wounded soldier, stained and saturated with blood. 
Across a small head-stone, bearing the words, 'To the 
memory of our beloved child, Mary,' lie the fragments 
of a musket shattered by a cannon-shot. 

"In the center of a space inclosed by an iron fence, 
and containing a half-dozen graves, a few rails are stand- 
ing where they were erected by our soldiers to form 
their shelter in bivouac. A family shaft has been bro- 
ken in fragments by a shell. Stone after stone, felt the 
effects of the feu (Terifer that was j^oured upon the crest 
of the hill. Cannon thundered, and foot and horse 
soldiers tramped over the resting-place of the .dead. 
Other dead were added to those who are resting here. 
Many a wounded soldier lives to remember the contest 
above those silent graves. 

" The hill on which this cemetery is located was the 
center of our line of battle and the key to our position. 
Had the Rebels been able to carry this point, they 
would have forced us into retreat, and the battle would 
have been lost. To pierce our line in this locality was 
Lee' s great endeavor, and he threw his best brigades 
against it. Wave after wave of living valor rolled up 
that slope, only to roll back again under the deadly fire 
of our artillery and infantry. It was on this hill, a 
little to the right of the cemetery, where the ' Louisiana 
Tigers ' made their famous charge. It was their boast 



THE FIELD OF BATTLE. 279 

that tliey were never yet foiled in an attempt to take a 
battery ; but on this occasion they suffered a defeat, and 
were nearly annihilated. Sad and dispirited, they 
mourn their repulse and their terrible losses in the 
assault. 

"From the summit of this hill a large jDortion of the 
battle-ground is spread out before the spectator. In 
front and at his feet lies the town of Gettysburg, con- 
taining, in quiet times, a population of four or five thou- 
sand souls. It is not more than a hundred yards to the 
houses in the edge of the village, where the contest with 
the Rebel sharp-shooters took place. To the left of tlie 
town stretches a long valley, bounded on each side by a 
gently-sloping ridge. The crest of each ridge is distant 
nearly a mile from the other. It was on these ridges 
that. the lines of battle on the second and third days 
were formed, the Rebel line being on the ridge to the 
westward. The one stretching directly from our left hand, 
and occupied by our own men, has but little timber 
upon it, while that held by the rebels can boast of 
several groves of greater or less extent. In one of these 
the Pennsylvania College is embowered, while in anoth- 
er is seen the Theological Seminary. Half-way between 
the ridges are the ruins of a large brick building burned 
during the engagement. Dotted about, here and there, 
are various brick and frame structures. Two miles at 
our left rises a sharp-pointed elevation, known to the 
inhabitants of the region as Round Hill. Its sides are 
wooded, and the forest stretches from its base across the 
valley to the crest of the western ridge. 



280 TRACES OF A SHARP COXIEST. 

"It must not Ibe supposed that the space Ibetween 
the ridges is an even plain, shaven with the scythe 
and leveled with the roller. It rises and falls gently, 
and with little regularity, but in no place is it steep of 
ascent. Were it not for its ununiformity and for the 
occasional sprinkling of trees over its surface, it could 
be compared to a patch of rolling prairie in miniature. 
To the southwest of the further ridge is seen the mount- 
ain region of Western Maryland, behind which the 
Rebels had their line of retreat. It is not a wild, rough 
mass of mountains, but a region of hills of the larger 
and more inaccessible sort. They are traversed by 
roads only in a few localities, and their passage, except 
through the gai)S, is difficult for a single team, and im- 
possible for an army. 

"The Theological Seminary was the scene of a fierce 
struggle. It was beyond it where the First and Eleventh 
Corps contended with Ewell and Longstreet on the first 
day of the engagement. Afterward, finding the Rebels 
were too strong for them, they fell back to a new posi- 
tion, this building being included in the line. Tlie 
walls of the Seminary were perforated by shot and 
shell, and the bricks are indented with numerous bullet-' 
marks. Its windows show the efiects of the musketry^ 
and but little glass remains to shut out the cold and 
rain. The building is now occupied as a hospital by 
the Rebels. The Pennsylvania College is similarly oc- 
cupied, and the instruction of its students is neglected 
for tlie present. 

"In passing from the cemetery along the crest of the 



THE EMMETSBURG ROAD. 281 

ridge wliere our line of "battle stood, I first came upon 
the position occupied by some of our iDatteries. This 
is shown by the many dead horses lying unburied, 
and by the mounds which mark where others have 
been slightly covered up. There are additional traces 
of an artillery fight. Here is a broken wheel of a gun- 
carriage, an exploded caisson, a handspike, and some 
of the accoutrements of the men. In the fork of a tree I 
found a Testament, with the words, 'Charles Durrale, 
Corporal of Company G,' written on the fly-leaf. The 
guns and the gunners have disappeared. Some of the 
latter are now with the column moving in pursuit of the 
enemy, others are suffering in the hospitals, and stiR 
others are resting where the bugle's reveille shall never 
wake them. 

"Between the cemetery and the town and at the foot 
of the ridge where I stand, runs the road leading to Em- 
metsburg. It is not a turnpike, but a common dirt-road, 
and, as it leaves the main street leading into town, it 
makes a diagonal ascent of the hill. On the eastern side, 
this road is bordered by a stone wall for a short distance. 
Elsewhere on both sides there is only a rail fence. A 
portion of our sharp-shooters took position behind this 
, wall, and erected traverses to protect them from a flank- 
ing fire, should the enemy attemjot to move up the road 
from Gettysburg. These traverses are constructed at 
right angles to the wall, by making a 'crib' of fence- 
rails, two feet high and the same distance apart, and 
then filling the crib with dirt. Further along I find the 
rails from the western side of the road, piled against the 



282 THE DEBRIS OF BATTLE. 

fence on tlie east, so as to form a "breast-work two or three 
feet in heiglit — a few spadesful of dirt serve to fill tlie 
interstices. This defense was thrown up by the Rebels 
at the time they were holding the line of the roads. 

"Moving to the left, I find still more severe traces of 
artillery fighting. Twenty-seven dead horses on a space 
of little more than one acre is evidence of heavy work. 
Here are a few scattered trees, which were evidently 
used as a screen for our batteries. These trees did not 
escape the stomi of shot and shell that was rained in 
that direction. Some of them were perforated by can- 
non-shot, or have been completely cut off in that pecu- 
liar splintering that marks the course of a projectile 
through green wood. Neixr the scene of this fighting is 
a large pile of muskets and cartridge-boxes collected 
from the field. Considerable work has been done in 
thus gathering the debris of the battle, but it is by no 
means complete. Muskets, bayonets, and sabers are 
scattered everywhere. 

"My next advance to the left carries me where the 
ground is thickly studded with graves. In one group I 
count a dozen graves of soldiers belonging to the Twen- 
tieth Massachusetts ; near them are buried the dead of 
the One Hundred and Thirty- seventh 'New York, and 
close at hand an equal number from the Twelfth JSTew 
Jersey. Care has been taken to place a head-board at 
each grave, with a legible inscrij)tion thereon, showing 
whose remains are resting beneath. On one board the 
comrades of the dead soldier had nailed the back of his 
knapsack, Avhich bore his name. On another was a brass 



WHEATFIELDS AND COENFIELDS. 283 

plate, bearing the soldier's name in lieavily stamped 
letters. 

" Moving still to tlie left, I found an orchard in which 
the fighting appears to have Ibeen desperate ia the ex- 
treme. Artillery shot had plowed the ground in every 
direction, and the trees did not escape the fury of the 
storm. The long bolts of iron, said by our officers to be 
a modification of the Whitworth projectile, were quite 
numerous. The Rebels must have been well supplied 
with this species of ammunition, and they evidently 
used it with no sparing hand. At one time I counted 
twelve of these bolts lying on a space not fifty feet 
square. I am told that many shot and shell passed 
over the heads of our soldiers during the action. 

"A mile from our central position at the cemetery, 
was a field of wheat, and near it a large tract, on which 
corn had been growing. The wheat was trampled by 
the hurrying feet of the dense masses of infantry, as 
they changed their positions during the battle. In the 
cornfield artillery had been stationed, and moved about 
as pften as the enemy obtained its range. Hardly a hill 
of corn is left in its pristine luxuriance. The little that 
escaped the hoof or the wheel, as the guns moved from 
place to place, was nibbled by hungry horses during 
the bivouac subsequent to the battle. Il^ot a stalk of 
wheat is upright ; not a blade of corn remains unin- 
jured; all has fallen long before the time of harvest. 
Another harvest, in which Death was the reaper, has 
been gathered above it. 

" On our extreme left the pointed summit of a hill, a 



284 "STORMED AT WITH SHOT AND SHELL." 

thousand feet in elevation, rises toward tbe sky. Be* 
yond it, tlie country falls off into the mountain region 
that extends to the Potomac and across it into Yirginia. 
This hill is quite difficult of ascent, and formed a strong 
position, on which the left of our line rested. The 
enemy assaulted this point with great fury, throwing 
his divisions, one after the other, against it. Their 
efforts were of no avail. Our men defended their 
ground against every attack. It was like the dash of 
the French at Waterloo against the immovable columns 
of the English. Stubborn resistance overcame the valor 
of the assailants. Again and again they came to the 
assault, only to fall back as they had advanced. Our 
left held its ground, though it lost heavily. 

" On this portion of the line, about midway between 
the crests of the ridges, is a neat farm-house. Around 
this dwelling the battle raged, as around Hougoumont 
at Waterloo. At one time it was in the possession of 
the Rebels, and was fiercely attacked by our men. The 
walls were pierced by shot and shell, many of the 
latter exploding within, and making a scene of devasta- 
tion. The glass was shattered by rifle bullets on every 
side, and the wood-work bears testimony to the struggle. 
The sharp-shooters were in every room, and added to the 
disorder caused by the explosion of shells. The sol- 
diers destroyed what the missiles spared. The Rebels 
were driven from the house, and the position was taken 
by our own men. They, in turn, were dislodged, but 
finally secured a permanent footing in the place. 

"Retracing my steps from the extreme left, I return 



THE EEBEL DEAD. 285 

to the center of our position on Cemetery Hill. I do not 
follow the path Iby which I came, but take a route along 
the hollow, between the two ridges. It was across this 
hollow that the Rebels made their assaults upon our 
position. Much blood was poured out between these 
two swells of land. Most of the dead were buried 
where they fell, or gathered in little clusters beneath 
some spreading tree or beside clumps of bushes. Some 
of the Rebel dead are still unburied. I find one of these 
as I descend a low bank to the side of a small spring. 
The body is lying near the spring, as if the man had 
crawled there to obtain a draught of water. Its hands 
are outspread upon the earth, and clutching at the little 
tufts of grass beneath them. The soldier's haversack 
and canteen are still remaining, and his hat is lying not 
far away. 

"A few paces distant is another corpse, with its hands 
thrown upward in the position the soldier occupied 
when he received Ms fatal wound. The clothing is not 
torn, no blood appears upon the garments, and the face, 
though swollen, bears no expression of anguish. Twen- 
ty yards away are the remains of a body cut in two by 
a shell. The grass is drenched in blood, that the rain of 
yesterday has not washed away. As I move forward I 
find the body of a Rebel soldier, evidently slain while 
taking aim over a musket. The hands are raised, the 
left extended beyond the right, and the fingers of the 
former partly bent, as if they had just been grasping the 
stock of a gun. One foot is advanced, and the body is 
lying on its right side. To appearances it did not move 



286 SHELLING MEADE'S HEAD-QUARTERS. 

a muscle after receiving its deatli-wound. Anotlier 
Ibody attracts my attention by its delicate white liands, 
and its face black as that of a negro. 

"The farm-house on the Emmetsburg road, where 
General Meade held his head-quarters during the can- 
nonade, is most fearfully cut up. General Lee masked 
liis artillery, and opened with one hundred and thirty 
pieces at the same moment. Two shells in every second 
of time fell around those head- quarters. They tore 
through the little white building, exploding and scatter- 
ing their fragments in every direction. 'Not a sxDot in its 
vicinity was safe. One shell through the door-stej), 
another in the chimney, a third shattering a rafter, a 
fourth carrying away the legs of a chair in which an 
officer was seated ; others severing and splintering the 
posts in front of the house, howling through the trees 
by which the dwelling was surrounded, and raising 
deep furrows in the soft earth. One officer, and another, 
and another were wounded. Strange to say, amid all 
this iron hail, no one of the staff was killed. 

" Once more at the cemetery, I crossed the Baltimore 
turnpike to the hill that forms the extremity of the 
ridge, on which the main portion of our line of battle 
was located. I followed this ridge to the point held by 
our extreme right. About midway along tlie ridge was 
the scene of the fiercest attack upon that j)ortion of the 
field. Tree after tree was scarred from base to limbs so 
thicldy that it would have been impossible to place 
one' s hand upon the trunk without covering the marks 
of a bullet. One tree was stripped of more than half 



CUEIOUS DEFENSES. •• 287 

its leaves; many of its twigs were partially severed, 
and hanging wilted and nearly ready to drop to the 
ground. The trunk of the tree, about ten inches in 
diameter, was cut and scarred in every part. The fire 
which struck these trees was that from our muskets 
upon the advancing Rebels. Every tree and bush for 
the distance of half a mile along these works was nearly 
as badly marked. The rocks, wherever they faced our 
breast- works, were thickly stippled with dots like snow- 
flakes. The missiles, flattened by contact with the 
rock, were lying among the leaves, giving little indica- 
tion of their former character. 

"Our sharp-shooters occupied novel positions. One 
of them found half a hollow log, standing upright, with 
a hole left by the removal of a knot, which gave him an 
excellent embrasure. Some were in tree-tops, others in 
nooks among the rocks, and others behind temporary 
barricades of their own construction. Owing to the 
excellence of onr defenses, the Rebels lost heavily." 

A few days after visiting this field, I joined the army 
in Western Maryland. The Rebels were between us and 
the Potomac. We were steadily pressing them, rather 
with a design of driving them across the Potomac with- 
out further fighting, than of bringing on an engagement. 
Lee eflected his crossing in safety, only a few hundred 
men of his rear-guard being captured on the left bank of 
the Potomac. 

The Maryland campaign was ended when Lee was 
driven out. Our army crossed the Potomac further 
down that stream, but made no vigorous pursuit. I re- 



288 THE GEEAT VICTORIES OF '63. 

turned to New York* and once more proceeded to the 
West. 

Our victory in Pennsylvania was accompanied by the 
fall of Vicksburg and the surrender of Pemberton's 
army. A few days later, the capture of Port Hudson 
was announced. The struggle for the possession of the 
Mississippi was substantially ended when the Rebel 
fortifications along its banks fell into our hands. 



A NOETHWESTEEN JOUENEY. 289 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

IN THE NORTHWEST. 

From Chicago to Minnesota. — Curiosities of Low-Water Navigation. — St. 
Paul and its Sufferings in Earlier Days. — Tlie Indian War. — A Brief 
History of our Troubles in that Region. — General Pope's Expeditions 
to Chastise the Eed Man.— Honesty in the Indian Department. — The 
End of the Warfiire. — The Pacific Eailway. — A Bold Undertaking. — 
Penetrating British Territory. — The Hudson Bay Company. — Pecu- 
liarities of a Trapper's Life. 

Early in September, 1863, I found myself in Cliica- 
go, breathing the cool, fresh air from Lake Michigan. 
From Chicago to Milwaukee I skirted the shores of the 
lake, and from the latter city pushed across Wisconsin 
to the Mississippi Eiver. Here it was really the blue 
MississixDpi : its appearance was a pleasing contrast to the 
general features of the river a thousand miles below. 
The banks, rough and picturesque, rose abruptly from 
the water's edge, forming cliffs that overtopped the ta- 
ble-land beyond. These cliffs appeared in endless suc- 
cession, as the boat on which I traveled steamed up the 
river toward St. Paul. Where the stream widened into 
Lake Pepin, they seemed more prominent and more pre- 
cipitous than elsewhere, as the larger expanse of water 
was spread at their base. The promontory known as 
"Maiden's Rock" is the most conspicuous of all. The 
Indians relate that some daughter of the forest, disap- 

19 



290 LOW-WATER NAVIGATION". 

pointed in love, once leaped from its summit to tlie 
rough rocks, two hundred feet below. Her lover, learn- 
ing lier fate, visited the spot, gazed from the fearful 
height, and, after a prayer to the Great Spirit who 
watches over the Red Man— returned to his friends and 
broke the heart of another Indian maid. 

Passing Lake Pe^Din and approaching St. Paul, the 
Tiver became very shallow. There had been little rain 
during »the summer, and the previous spring witnessed 
no, freshet in that region. The effect was apparent in 
the condition of the Mississippi. In the upper waters 
boats moved with difficulty. The class that is said 
to steam wherever there is a heavy dew, was brought 
into active use. From St. Paul to a point forty miles 
below, only the lightest of the "stern- wheel" boats could 
make any headway. The inhabitants declared they had 
never before known such a low stage of water, and earn- 
estly hoped it would not occur again. It was paralyz- 
ing much of the business of the State, Many flouring 
and lumber mills were lying idle. Transportation was 
difficult, and the rates very high. A railway was being 
constructed to connect with the roads from Chicago, but 
it was not sufficiently advanced to be of any service. 

Various stories were in circulation concerning the 
difficulties of navigation on the Ujiper Mississippi in a 
low stage of water. One pilot declared the wheels of 
his boat actually raised a cloud of dust in many places. 
Another said his boat could run easily in the moisture 
on the outside of a pitcher of ice-water, but could not 
move to advantage in the river between Lake Pepin and 



SAINT PAUL. 291 

St. Paul. A person interested in the railway proposed 
to secnre a charter for laying the track in the "bed of 
the Mississippi, but feared the company would be un- 
able to sui)ply the locomotives with water on many por- 
tions of the route. Many other jests were indulged in, 
all of which were heartily appreciated by the people of 
St. Paul. 

The day after my arrival at St. Paul, I visited the 
famous Falls of the Minnehaha. I am unable to give 
them a minute description, my visit being very brief. 
Its brevity arose from the entire absence of water in the 
stream which supplies the fall. That fluid is every- 
where admitted to be useful for purposes of navigation, 
and I think it equally desirable in the formation of a 
cascade. 

The inhabitants of St. Paul have reason to bless the 
founders of their city for the excellent site of the future 
metropolis of the Northwest. Overlooking and almost 
overhanging the river in one part, in another it slopes 
gently down to the water' s edge, to the levee where the 
steamers congregate. Back from the river the limits of 
the city extend for several miles, and admit of great ex- 
pansion. With a hundred years of prosperity there 
would still be ample room for growth. 

Before the financial crash in '57, this levee was 
crowded with merchandise from St. Louis and Chicago. 
Storage was not always to be had, though the construc- 
tion of buildings was rapidly pushed. Business Avas 
active, speculation was carried to the furthest limit, 
everybody had money in abundance, and scattered it 



292 THE FLUSH TIMES IN MIKNT:S0TA. 

with no niggard hand. In many of the "brokers' win- 
dows, placards were posted offering alluring induce- 
ments to capitalists. "Fifty per cent, guaeanteed 
GIST investments," was set forth on these placards, the 
offers coining from parties considered perfectly sound. 
Fabulous sums were i)aid for wild land and for lots in 
apocryphal towns. All was prosperity and activity. 

By-and-hy came the crash, and this well-founded 
town passed through a period of mourning and fasting. 
St. Paul saw many of its hest and heaviest houses van- 
ish into thin air ; merchants, hankers, land- speculators, 
lumhermen, all suffered alike. Some disappeared for- 
ever ; others survived the shock, hut never recovered 
their former footing. Large amounts of property went 
under the auctioneer's hammer, "to he sold without 
limit." Lots of land which cost two or three hundred 
dollars in ^56, were sold at auction in '58 for five or six 
dollars each. Thousands of people lost their all in these 
unfortunate land-speculations. Others who survived 
the crash have clung to their acres, hoping that pros- 
perity may return to the Northwest. At present their 
wealth consists mainly of Great Expectations. 

Though suffering greatly, the capital and business 
center of Minnesota was by no means ruined. The 
si^eculators departed, but the farmers and other work- 
imx classes remained. Business "touched bottom" and 
then slowly revived. St. Paul existed through all the 
calamity, and its people soon learned the actual neces- 
sities of Minnesota. While they mourn the departure 
of the "good times," many of them express a belief 



THE INDIAN WAE. 293 

that those happy days were injuidous to the permauent 
prosperity of the State. 

St. Paul is one of the few cities of the world whose 
foundation furnishes the material for their construction. 
The limestone rock on which it is built is in layers of 
about a foot in thickness, and very easy to quarry. 
The blocks require little dressing to fit them for use. 
Though very soft at first, the stone soon hardens by 
exposure to the air, and forms a neat and durable wall. 
In digging a cellar one will obtain more than sufficient 
stone for the walls of his house. 

At the time of my visit the Indian expedition of 1863 
had just returned, and was camped near Fort Snelling. 
This expedition was sent out by General Pope, for the 
purpose of chastising the Sioux Indians. It was under 
command of General Sibley, and accomplished a march 
of nearly six hundred miles. As it lay in camp at Fort 
Snelling,. the men and animals presented the finest ap 
pearance I had ever observed in an army just returned 
from a long campaign. 

The Sioux massacres of 1862, and the campaign of 
General Pope in the autumn of that year, attracted much 
attention. Nearly all the settlers in the valley of the 
Minnesota above Fort Snelling were killed or driven 
off. Other localities suffered to a considerable extent. 
The murders— like nearly aU murders of whites bj^ the 
Indians — were of the most atrocious character. The his- 
tory of those massacres is a chronicle of horrors rarely 
equaled during the present century. Whole counties 
were made desolate, and the young State, just recover- 



294 CAUSE OF THE SIOUX MASSACRES. 

ing from its financial misfortunes, received a severe l)low 
to its prosperity. 

Various causes were assigned for the outbreak of 
hostilities on the part of the Sioux Indians. Very few 
residents of Minnesota, in view of the atrocities commit- 
ted by the Indians, could speak calmly of the troubles. 
All were agreed that there could be no peace and secu- 
rity untD. the white men were the undisputed possessors 
of the land. 

Before the difiiculties began, there was for some time 
a growing discontent on the part of the Indians, on ac- 
count of repeated grievances. Just previous to the 
outbreak, these Indians were summoned to one of the 
Government Agencies to receive their annuities. These 
annuities had been promised them at a certain time, but 
were not forthcoming. The agents, as I was informed, 
had the money (in coin) as it was sent from Washington, 
but were arranging to pay the Indians in Treasury notes 
and pocket the premium on the gold. The Indians were 
kept waiting while the gold was being exchanged for 
greenbacks. There was a delay in making this ex- 
change, and the Indians were put off from day to day 
with promises instead of money. 

An Indian knows nothing about days of grace, pro- 
tests, insolvency, expansions, and the other technical 
terms with which Wall Street is familiar. He can take 
no explanation of broken promises, especially when 
those promises are made by individuals who claim to 
represent the Great Father at Washington. In this case 
the Sioux lost all confidence in the agents, who had 



■ BEGmNING OF THE TROUBLES. 295 

"broken tlieir -word from day to day. Added to the 
mental annoyance, tliere was great physical suffering. 
The traders at the post would sell nothing without 
cash payment, and, without money, the Indians were 
unahle to procure what the stores contained in abund- 
ance. 

The annuities were not paid, and the traders refused 
to sell on credit. Some of the Indians were actually 
starving, and one day they forced their way into a store 
to obtain food. Taking possession, they supplied them- 
selves Avith what they desired. Among other things, 
they found whisky, of the worst and most fiery quality. 
Once intoxicated, all the bad passions of the savages 
were let loose. In their drunken frenzy, the Indians 
killed one of the traders. The sight of blood made 
them furious. Other white men at the Agencj'- were 
killed, and thus the contagion spread. 

From the Agency the murderers spread through the 
valley of the St. Peter's, proclaiming war against the 
whites. They made no distinction of age or sex. The 
atrocities they committed are among the most fiendish 
ever recorded. 

The outbreak of these troubles was due to the con- 
duct of the agents who were dealing with the Indians. 
Knowing, as they should have known, the character of 
the red man everywhere, and aware that the Sioux were 
at that time discontented, it was the duty of those agents 
to treat them with the utmost kindness and generosity. 
I do not believe the Indians, when they plundered the 
store at the Agency, had any design beyond satisfying 



296 BRITISH POLICY. 

tlieir liunger. But witli one murder committed, tliere 
was no restraint upon their passions. 

Many of our transactions with the Indians, in the 
past twenty years, have not been characterized Iby the 
most scrupulous honesty. The Dej)artment of the Inte- 
rior has an interior history that would not bear investi- 
gation. It is well known that the furnishing of supplies 
to the Indians often enriches the agents and their po- 
litical friends. There is hardly a tribe along our whole 
frontier that has not been defrauded. Dishonesty in 
our Indian Department was notorious during Buchan- 
an's Administration. The retirement of Buchanan and 
his cabinet did not entirely bring this dishonesty to an 
end. 

An ofScer of the Hudson Bay Company told me, in 
St. Paul, that it was the strict order of the British Gov- 
ernment, enforced in letter and spirit by the Company, 
to keep full fiiitli with the Indians. Every stipulation 
is most scrupulously carried out. The slightest in- 
fringement by a white man upon the riglits of the In- 
dians is punished with great severitj^. They are fur- 
nished with the best qualities of goods, and the quantity 
never falls below the stipulations. Consequently the 
Indian has no cause of complaint, and is kept on the 
most friendly terms. This officer said, "A white man 
can travel from one end to the other of our territorj'-, 
with no fear of molestation. It is fort}'' years since any 
trouble occurred between us and the Indians, while on 
your side of the line you have frequent difficulties." 

The autumn of '62 witnessed the campaign for the 



GENEEAL POPE IN TIIE XORTIIWEST. 297 

cliastisemeiit of these Indians. Twenty-five thousand 
men were sent to Minnesota, under General Pope, and 
employed against the Sioux, In a Avild country, like 
the interior of Minnesota, infantry cannot l)e used to ad- 
vantage. On this account, tlie punishment of the In- 
dians was not as complete as our authorities desired. 

Some of the Indians were captured, some killed, and 
others surrendered. Thirty-nine of the captives were 
hanged. A hundred others were sent to ^^rison at Da_ 
venport, Iowa, for confinement during life. The coming 
of winter caused a suspension of hostilities. 

The spring of 1863 oj)ened with the outfitting of two 
expeditions — one to proceed through Minnesota, under 
General Sibley, and the other up the Missouri River, 
under General Sully. These expeditions were designed 
to unite somewhere on the Missouri River, and, by in- 
closing the Indians between them, to bring them to battle. 
If the plan was successful, the Indians would be se- 
verely chastised. 

General Sibley moved across Minnesota, according 
to agreement, and General Sully advanced up the Mis- 
souri. The march of the latter was delayed on account 
of the unprecedented low water in the Missouri, which 
retarded the boats laden with supplies. Although the 
two columns failed to unite, they were partially success- 
ful in their primary object. Each column engaged the 
Indians and routed them with considerable loss. 

After the return of General Sibley' s expedition, a por- 
tion of the troops composing it were sent to the South- 
west, and attached to the armies operating in Louisiana. 



298 WHAT TO DO WITH THE INDIANS. 

Tlie Indian war in Minnesota dwindled to a figlit on tlie 
part of politicians respecting its merits in tlie past, and 
the iDest mode of conducting it in tlie future. General 
Pope, General Sibley, and General Sully were praised 
and abused to the satisfaction of every resident of the 
State. Laudation and denunciation were poured out 
-vyitli equal liberality. The contest was nearly as fierce 
as the struggle between the whites and Indians. If epi- 
thets had been as fatal as bullets, the loss of life would 
have been terrible. Happilj^ the wordy battle was de- 
void of danger, and the State of lilinnesota, her poli- 
ticians, her generals, and her men emerged from it -with- 
out harm. 

Various schemes have been devised for placing the 
Sioux Indians where they will not be in our way. 
No spot of land can be found between the Mississippi 
and the Pacific where their presence would not be an 
annoyance to somebody. General Pope proposed to 
disarm these Indians, allot no more reservations to 
them, and allow no traders among them. He recom- 
mended that they be placed on Isle Hoyale, in Lake 
Superior, and there furnished with barracks, rations, 
and clothing, just as the same number of soldiers 
would be furnished. They should have no arms, and 
no means of escaping to the main-land. They would 
tlius be secluded from all evil influence, and comfortably 
housed and cared for at Government exjpense. If this 
plan should be adopted, it would be a great relief to the 
people of our Northwestern frontier. 

Minnesota has fixed its desires upon a railway to the 



YANKEE EJ^TERPKISE. 299 

Pacific. The "St. Paul and Pacific Kailway" is al- 
ready in operation al)out forty miles west of St. Paul, 
and its projectors hope, in time, to extend it to the 
shores of the "peaceful sea." It has called British 
capital to its aid, and is slowly but steadily pro- 
gressing. 

In the latter part of 1858 several enterprising citizens 
of St. Paul took a small steamer in midwinter from the 
upper waters of the Mississippi to the head of naviga- 
tion, on the Red River of the ]N"orth. The distance was 
two hundred and fifty miles, and the route lay through 
a wilderness. Forty yoke of oxen were required for 
moving the hoat. When navigation was open in the 
sirring of 1859, the boat (the Anson Nortlirup) steamed 
down to Fort Garry, the principal post of the Hudson 
Bay Company, taking all the inhabitants by sarprise. 
liTone of them liad any intimation of its coming, and were, 
consequently, as much astonished as if the steamer had 
dropped from the clouds. 

The agents of the Hudson Bay Company purchased 
the steamer, a few hours after its arrival, for about four 
times its value. They hoped to continue their seclusion 
by so doing ; but Avere doomed to disappointment. 
Another and larger boat was built in the following year 
at Georgetown, Minnesota, the spot where the Nortlirup 
was launched. The isolation of the fur-traders was 
ended. The owners of the second steamer (the Interna- 
tlonal) were the proprietors of a stage and express line 
to all parts of Minnesota. They extended their line to 
Port Garry, and soon established a profitable business. 



300 THE HUDSON BAY COMPANY. 

From its organization in 1670, down to 1860, the Hud- 
son Bay Company sent its supplies, and received its 
furs in return, by way of the Arctic Ocean and Hudson' s 
Bay. There are only two months in the year in which 
a ship can enter or leave Hudson's Bay. A ship sailing 
from London in January, enters the- Bay in August. 
When the cargo is delivered at York Factory, at the 
mouth of N'elson's River, it is too late in the season to 
send the goods to the great lakes of Northwestern Amer- 
ica, where the trading posts are located. In the follow- 
ing May the goods are forwarded. They go by canoes 
where the river is navigable, and are carried on the 
backs of men around the frequent and sometimes long 
rapids. The journey requires three nionths. 

The furs iDurchased with these goods cannot be sent 
to York Factory until a year later, and another year 
passes away before they leave Hudson's Bay. Thus, re- 
turns for a cargo were not received in London until four 
years after its shipment from that port. 

Since American enterprise took control of the carry- 
ing trade, goods are sent from London to Fort Garry by 
way of New York and St. Paul, and are only four 
months in transit. Four or live months will be re- 
quired to return a cargo of furs to London, making a 
saving of three years over the old route. Stupid as our 
English cousin sometimes shows himself, he cannot fail 
to perceive the advantages of the new route, and has 
promptly embraced them. The people of Minnesota are 
becoming well acquainted with the residents of the 
country on their northern boundarj^. Many of the 



EED EIVER CARTS. 301 

N'ortliwestern politicians are studying tlie policy of 
"annexation." 

The settlement at Peml)ina, near Pembina Mountain, 
lies in Minnesota, a few miles only from the international 
line. The settlers supposed they were on British soil 
until the establishment of the boundary showed them 
their mistake. Every year the settlement sends a train 
to St, Paul, nearly seven hundred miles distant, to ex- 
change its buffalo-robes, furs, etc., for various articles 
of necessity that the Pembina region does not produce. 
This annual train is made up of "Red River carts" — 
vehicles that would be regarded with curiosity in New 
York or Washington. 

A Red River cart is about the size of a two-wheeled 
dray, and is built entirely of wood — not a particle of 
iron entering into its composition. It is propelled by a 
single ox or horse, generally the former, driven by a 
half-breed native. Sometimes, though not usually, the 
wheels are furnished with tires of rawhide, placed upon 
them when green and shrunk closely in drying. Each 
cart carries about a thousand pounds of freight, and the 
train will ordinarily make from fifteen to twenty miles a 
da}^. It was estimated that five hundred of these carts 
would visit St. Paul and St. Cloud in the autumn of 
1863. 

The settlements of wliich Fort Garry is the center 
are scattered for several miles along the Red River of 
the North. They have schools, churches, flouring and 
saw mills, and their houses are comfortably and often 
luxuriously furnished. They have pianos imported 



302 PROFITS OF THE FUR-TRADE. 

from St. Paul, and tlieir principal cliurcli has an organ. 
At St, Cloud I saw evidences of extreme civilization on 
tlieir way to Fort Garry. These were a whisky- still, 
two serving-machines, and a grain-reaper. ISTo people 
can remain in darkness after adoj)ting these modern 
inventions. 

The monopoly which the Hudson Bay Company 
formerly held, has ceased to exist. Under its charter, 
granted by Charles II. in 1670, it had exclusive control 
of all the country drained by Hudson' s Bay. In addition 
to its privilege of trade, it possessed the "right of emi- 
nent domain" and the full political management of the 
country. Crime in this territory was not punished by 
the officers of the British Government, but by the courts 
and officers of the Company. All settlements of farmers 
and artisans were discouraged, as it was the desire of 
the Company to maintain the territory solely as a fur 
preserve, from the Arctic Ocean to the United States 
boundary. 

The profits of this fur-trade were enormous, ix^ the 
Company had it under full control. The furs were pur- 
chased of the Indians and trappers at very low rates, and 
paid for in goods at enormous prices. An industrious 
trapper could earn a comfortable support, and nothing 
more. 

Having full control of the fur market in Europe, the 
directors could regulate the selling prices as they chose. 
Frequently they issued orders forbidding the killing of 
a certain class of animals for several years. The fur 
from these animals would become scarce and very high, 



HOW IT WAS MANAGED. 303 

and at tlie same time the animals would increase in 

« 

numbers. Suddenly, wlien the market was at its upper- 
most point, tlie order would Ibe countermanded and a 
large supply brought forward for sale. This course was 
followed with all classes of fur in succession. The Com- 
pany' s dividends in the prosperous days would shame 
the best oil wells or Nevada silver mines of our 
time. 

Though its charter was perpetual, the Hudson Bay 
Company was obliged to obtain once in twenty-one 
years a renewal of its license for exclusive trade. From 
1670 to 1838 it had no difficulty in obtaining the desired 
renewal. The last license expired in 1859. Though a 
renewal was earnestly sought, it was not attained. The 
territory is now open to all traders, and the power of 
the old Company is practically extinguished. 

The iirst explorations in Minnesota were made shortly 
after the discovery of the Mississippi Eiver by Mar- 
quette and Hennepin. St. Paul was originally a French 
trading -post, and the resort of the Indians throughout 
the Northwest. Fort Snelling was established by tlie 
United States Government in 1819, but no settlements 
were made .until 1844. After the current of emigration 
began, the territory was rapidly filled. 

While Minnesota was a wilderness, -the American Fur 
Company established posts on the upper waters of tlie 
Mississippi. The old trading-house belovf the Falls of 
St. Anthony, the first frame building erected in the ter- 
ritory, is yet standing, though it exhibits many symp- 
toms of decay. 



304 SETTLEMEITT OF MUsTNESOTA. 

At one time the emigration to .Minnesota was very 
great, "but it has considerably fallen off during the last 
eight years. The State is too far north to hold out great 
inducements to settlers. The winters are long and severe, 
and the productions of the soil are limited in character 
and quantity. In summer the climate is excellent, 
attracting large numbers of pleasure-seekers. The Falls 
of St. Anthony and the Minnehaha have a world-wide 
reputation. 



AKMING THE NEGKOES. 305 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

INAUGURATION OP A GREAT ENTERPRISE. 

Plans for Arming the Negroes along the Mississippi. — Opposition to the 
Movement. — Plantations Deserted hy their Owners. — Gathering 
Abandoned Cotton. — Rules and Eegulations. — Speculation. — Widows 
and Orphans in Demand. — Arrival of Adjutant- General Thomas.— 
Designs of the Government. 

I HAVE elsewhere ialluded to tlie orders of General 
Grant at Lagrange, Tennessee, in tlie autumn of 1863,. 
relative to the care of the negroes where his army was 
then operating. 

The plan was successful in providing for the negroes 
in Tennessee and Northern Mississippi, where the num- 
Iber, though large, was not excessive. At that time, the 
policy of arming the blacks was being discussed in 
various quarters. It found much opposition. Many 
persons thought it would be an infringement upon the 
"rights" of the South, both unconstitutional and un- 
just. Others ciared nothing for the South, or its likes 
and dislikes, but opposed the measure on the ground of 
policy. They feared its adoption would breed discon- 
tent among the white soldiers of the army, and cause 
so many desertions and so much uneasiness that the 
importance of the neW element would be more than 
neutralized. Others, again, doubted the courage of the 

negroes, and thought their first use under fire would 
ao 



306 THE SITUATION" DT LOUISIANA. 

result in disgrace and disaster to our arms. They op- 
posed the experiment on account of this fear. 

in South Carolina and in Kansas the negroes had 
been put under arms and mustered into service as Union 
soldiers. In engagements of a minor character they had 
shown coolness and courage worthy of veterans. There 
was no valid reason why the negroes along the Missis- 
sippi would not he just as valuable in the army, as the 
men of the same race in other parts of the country. Our 
Government determined to try the experiment, and make 
the Corps d) Afrique a recognized and important adjunct 
of our forces in the field. 

When General Grant encamped his army at Milli- 
ken's Bend and Young's Point, preparatory to com- 
mencing the siege of -Vicksburg, many of the cotton plan- 
tations were abandoced by their owners. Before our 
advent nearly all the white males able to bear arms 
had, willingly or unwillingly, gone to aid in filling the 
ranks of the insurgents. On nearly every plantation 
there was a white man not liable to military service, who 
remained to look after the interests of the property. 
When our army appeared, the majority of these white 
men fled to the interior of Louisiana, leaving the planta- 
tions and the negroes to the tender mercy of the in- 
vaders. In some cases the fugitives took the ne- 
groes with them, thus leaving the plantations entirely 
deserted. 

When the negroes remained, and the plantations 

' were not supj)lied with provisions, it became necessary 

for the Commissary Department to issue rations for the 



GATHERING ABANDONED COTTON. 307 

sulbsistence of the "blacks. As nearly all the planters 
cared nothing for the negroes they had abandoned, there 
was a very large number that required the attention of 
the Government. 

On many plantations the cotton crop of 1862 was 
still in the field, somewhat damaged by the winter rains ; 
but well worth gathering at the prices which then ruled 
the market. General Grant gave authority for the gath- 
ering of this cotton by any parties who were willing to 
take the contract. The contractors were required to 
feed the negroes and pay them for their labor. One-half 
the cotton went to the Government, the balance to the 
contractor. There was no lack of men to undertake 
the collection of abandoned cotton on these tenns, as 
the enterprise could not fail to be exceedingly remuner- 
ative. 

This cotton, gathered by Government authority, was, 
with a few exceptions, the only cotton which could be 
sliipped to market. There were large quantities of 
" old" cotton — gathered and baled in previous years — 
which the owners were anxious to sell, and speculators 
ready to buy. Numerous applications were made for 
shipping-permits, but nearly all were rejected. A few 
cases were pressed upon General Grant's attention, as 
deserving exception from the ordinary rule. 

There was one case of two young girls, whose parents 
had recently died, and who were destitute of all com- 
forts on the plantation where they lived. They had 
a quantity of cotton which they wished to take to Mem- 
phis, for sale in that market. Thus provided with 



308 WIDOWS AND ORPHANS IN DEMAND. 

money, they would proceed North, and remain there 
till the end of the war. 

A speculator became interested in these girls, and 
plead with all his eloquence for official favor in their be- 
half. General Grant softened his heart and gave this 
man a written permit to ship whatever cotton belonged 
to the orphans. It was understood, and so stated in the 
apiDlication, that the amount was between two hundred 
and three hundred bales. The exact number not being 
known, there was no quantity specified in the permit. 

The speculator soon discovered that the penniless or- 
phans could claim two thousand instead of two hundred 
bales, and thought it possible they would find three 
thousand bales and upward. On the strength of his 
permit without special limit, he had purchased, or other- 
v/ise procured, all the cotton he could find in the imme- 
diate vicinity. He was allowed to make shipment of a 
few hundred bales ; the balance was detained. 

Immediately, as this transaction became known, 
every speculator was on the qtci mm to discover a 
widow or an orphan. Each plantation was visited, and 
the status of the owners, if any remained, became speed- 
ily known. Orphans and widows, the former in par- 
ticular, were at a high premium. Never in the history 
of Louisiana did the children of tender years, bereft of 
parents, receive such attention from strangers. A spec- 
tator might have imagined the Millennium close at hand, 
and the dealers in cotton about to be humbled at the 
feet of babes and sucklings. Widows, neither young 
nor comely, received the warmest attention from men of 



MYSTERIES OF SPECULATION". 309 

Nortliern birtli. The family of Jolm Rodgers/ had it 
then lived at Milliken's Bend, would have "been hailed 
as a "big thing." Everywhere in that region there 
were men seeking "healthy orphans for adoption." 

The majority of the speculators found the widows 
and orphans of whom they were in search. Some were 
alble to obtain permits, while others were not. Several 
oflEicers of the army became interested in these specula- 
tions, and gave their aid to obtain shipping privileges. 
Some who were innocent were accused of dealing in the 
forbidden fiber, while others, guilty of the transaction, 
escaped without suspicion. The temptation was great. 
Many refused to be concerned in the traffic ; but there 
were some who yielded. 

The contractors who gathered the abandoned cotton 
were enabled to accumulate small fortunes. Some of 
them acted honestly, but others made use of their con- 
tracts to cover large shipments of purchased or stolen 
cotton, baled two or three years before. The ordinary 
yield of an acre of ground is from a bale to a bale and a 
half. The contractors were sometimes able to show a 
yield of ten or twenty bales to the acre. ^ 

About the first of April, Adjutant-General Thomas 
arrived at Milliken's Bend, bringing, as he declared, 
authority to regulate every thing as he saw fit. Under 
his auspices, arrangements were made for putting the 
able-bodied male negroes into the army. In a speech 
delivered at a review of the troops at Lake Providence, 
he announced the determination of the Government to 
use every just measure to suppress the Rebellion. 



310 PLANS OF THE GOVERNMENT. 

The Relbels indirectly made nse of the negroes 
against the Gfovernment, 'by emiDloying them in the pro- 
duction of supplies for their armies in the field. "In 
this way," he said, "they can bring to bear against us 
all the power of their so-called Confederacy. At the 
same time we are compelled to retain at home a portion 
of our fighting force to furnish supplies for the men at 
the front. The Administration has determined to take 
the negroes belonging to disloyal men, and make them 
a part of the army. This is the p(?licy that has been 
fixed and will be fully carried out." 

General Thomas announced that he brought author- 
ity to raise as many regiments as possible, and to give 
commissions to all proper persons Avho desired them- 
The speech was listened to with attention, and loudly 
cheered at its close. The general officers declared them- 
selves favorable to the new movement, and gave it their 
co-operation. In a few days a half-dozen regiments 
were in process of organization. This was the begin- 
ning of the scheme for raising a large force of colored 
soldiers along the Mississippi. 
/ The disposition to be made of the negro women and 
children in our lines, was a subject of great importance. 
Their numbers were very large, and constantly increas- 
ing. Not a tenth of these persons could find employ- 
ment in gathering abandoned cotton. Those that found 
such employment were only temporarily provided for. 
/ It would be a heavy burden u]oon the Government to 
' support them in idleness during the entire summer. It 
would be manifestly wrong to send them to the already 



LEASING PLANTATIONS. 311 

overcrowded camps at Memphis and Helena. They / 
were upon our hands Iby the fortune of war, and must 
"be cared for in some way, 

'^he plantations which their owners had abandoned 
were supposed to afford the means of providing homes 
for the negroes, where they could be sheltered, fed, and 
clothed without expense to the Government. It was 
proposed to lease these plantations for the term of one 
year, to persons who would undertake the production 
of a crop of cotton. Those negroes who were unfit for 
military service were to be distributed on these plan- 
tations, where the lessees would furnish them all needed 
supplies, and pay them for their labor at certain stipu- 
lated rates. 

The farming tools and other necessary property on 
the plantations were to be appraised at a fair valuation, 1 
and turned over to the lessees. Where the plantations 
were destitute of the requisite number of mules for 
working them, condemned horses and mules were loaned 
to the lessees, who should return them whenever called 
for. There were promises of protection against Rebel 
raids, and of all assistance that the Government could 
consistently give. General Thomas announced that the 
measure was fully decided upon at Washington, and 
should receive every su^Dport. - 

' The plantations were readily taken, the prospects 
being excellent for enormous profits if the scheme | 
proved successful. The cost of producing cotton varies 
from three to eight cents a pound. The staple would 
find ready sale at fifty cents, and might possibly com- 



312 THE ESTIMATED PEOFITS. 

mand a higher figure. The prospects of a large percent- 
age on the investment were alluring in the extreme. 
The plantations, the negroes, the farming utensils, and 
the working stock were to require no outlay. All that 
was demanded before returns would he received, were 
the necessary expenditures for feeding and clothing the 
, negroes until the crop was nlade and gathered. From 
five to thirty thousand dollars was the estimated yearly 
expense of a plantation of a thousand acres. If success- 
ful, the products for a year might be set down at two 
hundred thousand dollars ; and should, cotton appre- 
ciate, the return would be still greater. """ 



HOW THE REBELS FELT. 313 



CHAPTEE XXX. 

COTTON-PLANTING IN 1863. 

Leasing the Plantations. — Interference of the Rebels. — Raids. — Treat- 
ment of Prisoners. — The Attack upon Milliken's Bend. — A Novel 
Brfeast-Work. — Murder o four Officers. — Profits of Cotton -Planting. — 
Dishonesty of Lessees. — Negroes Planting qn their own Account. 

It was late in tlie season Ibefore the plantations were 
leased and the work of planting commenced. The 
ground was hastily plowed and the seed as hastily 
sown. The work was prosecuted with the design of 
obtaining as much as possible in a single season. In 
their eagerness to accumulate fortunes, the lessees fre- 
quently planted more ground than they could care for, 
and allowed much of it to run to waste. 

Of course, it could not be expected the Rebels would 
favor" the enterprise. They had prophesied the negro 
would not work when free, and were determined to 
break up any effort to induce him to labor. They were 
not even willing to give him a fair trial. Late in June 
they visited the plantations at Milliken' s Bend and vi- 
cinity. 

They stripped many of the plantations of all the 
mules and horses that could be found, frightened some 
of the negroes into seeking safety at the nearest military 
posts, and carried away others. Sbme of the lessees 



314 RAIDS UPON PLANTATIONS. 

were captured; others, having timely warning, made 
good their escaj)e. Of those captured, some were re- 
leased» on a regular parole not to take up arms against 
the " Confederacy." Others were liberated on a promise 
to go North and remain there, after being allowed a 
reasonable time for settling their business. Others were 
carried into captivity and retained as prisoners of war 
until late in the summer. A Mr. Walker was taken to 
Brownsville, Texas, and there released, with the privi- 
lege of crossing to Matamoras, and sailing thence to 
New Orleans. It was six months from the time of his 
capture before he .reached New Orleans on his retui^n 
home. 

The Rebels made a fierce attack upon the garrison at 
Milliken's Bend. For a few moments during the fight 
the prospects of their success were very good. The 
negroes composing the garrison had not been long under 
arms, and their discipline was far from perfect. The 
Rebels obtained, possession of a part of our works, but 
were held at bay by the garrison, until the arrival of a 
gun-boat turned the scale in our favor. The odds were 
against us at the outset, but we succeeded in putting the 
enemy to flight. • 

In this attack the Rebels made use of a movable 
breast- work, consisting of a large drove of mules, which 
they kept in then' front as they advanced upon the fort. 
This breast- work served very well at first, but grew 
unmanageable as our fire became severe. It finally 
broke and fled to the rear, throwing the Rebel lines into 
confusion. I believe it was the first instance on record 



MURDER OF OFFICERS. 315 

where the defenses ran away, leaving the defenders 
uncovered. It marked a new, "but unsuccessful, phase 
of war. An officer who was present at the defense of 
Milliken's Bend vouches for the truth of the story. 

The Eel^els captured a portion of the garrison, in- 
' eluding some of the white officers holding commissions 
in negro regiments. The negro prisoners were variously 
disposed of. Some were l)utchered on the spot while 
pleading for quarter ; others were taken a few miles on 
the retreat, and then shot Iby the wayside. A few were 
driven away by their masters, who formed a part of the 
raiding force, but they soon escaped and returned to our 
lines. Of the officers who surrendered as prisoners of 
war, some were shot or hanged within a short distance 
of their place of capture. Two were taken to Shreve- 
port and lodged in jail with one of the captured lessees. 
One night these officers were taken from the jail by order 
of General Kirby Smith, and delivered into the hands of 
the provost-marshal, to be shot for the crime of accept- 
ing commissions in negro regiments. Before morning 
they were dead. 

Similar raids were made at other points along the 
river, where plantations were being cultivated under the 
new system. At aU these places the mules were stolen 
and the negroes either frightened or driven away. Work 
was suspended until the plantations could be newly 
stocked and equipped. This suspension occurred at the 
busiest time in the season. The production of the cot- 
ton was, consequently, greatly retarded. On some plan- 
tations the' weeds grew faster than the cotton, and re- 



316 SUCCESS I^ 18C3. 

fused to be put down. On others, the excellent prog- 
ress the weeds had made, during the period of idleness, 
rendered the yield of the cotton-plant very small. Some 
of the plantations were not restocked after the raid, and 
speedily ran to waste. 

In 1863, no lessee made more than half an ordinary 
crop of cotton, ai^d very few secured even this return. 
Some obtained a quarter or an eighth of a bale to the 
acre, and some gathered only one bale where they should 
have gathered twelve or twenty. A few lost money in 
the speculation. Some made a fair profit on their invest- 
ment, and others realized their expectations of an enor- 
mous reward. Several parties united their interest on 
three or four plantations in difierent localities, so that a 
failure in one quarter was offset by success in another. 

The majority of the lessees were unprincipled men, 
who undertook the enterprise solely as a speculation. 
They had as little regard for the rights of the negro as 
the most brutal slaveholder had ever shown. Very few 
of them paid the negroes for their labor, except in fur- 
nishing them small quantities of goods, for which they 
charged -five times the value. One man, who realized a 
profit of eighty thousand dollars, never paid his negroes 
a penny. Some of the lessees made open boast, of hav- 
ing swindled their negroes out of their summer's wages, 
by taking advantage of their ignorance. 

The experiment did not materially improve the con- 
dition of the negro, save in the matter of physical treat- 
ment. As a slave the black man received no compensa- 
tion for his labor. As a free man, he received none. 



PROFIT AND LOSS. 317 

He was well fed, and, generally, well clothed. He re- 
ceived no severe punishment for non-performance of 
duty, as had been the case before the war. The differ- 
ence between working for nothing as a slave, and work- 
ing for the same wages under the Yankees, was not al- 
ways perceptible to the unsophisticated negro. 

Several persons leased plantations that they might 
use them as points for shipj)ing purchased or stolen cot- 
ton. Some were quite successful in this, while others 
were unable to find any cotton to bring out. Various 
parties united with the plantation-owners, and agreed to 
obtain all facilities from the Government officials, if 
their associates would secure protection against Rebel , 
raids. In some cases this experiment was successful, 
and the plantations prospered, while those around them 
were repeatedly plundered. In others, the Rebels were 
enraged at the plantation-owners for making any ar- 
rangements with "the Yankees," and treated them with 
merciless severity. There was no course that promised 
absolute safety, and there was no man who could devise 
a plan of operations that would cover all contingencies. 

Every thing considered, the result of the free-labor 
enterprise was favorable to the pockets of the avaricious ' 
lessees, though it was not encouraging to the negro and 
to the friends of justice and humanity. All who had 
been successful desired to renew their leases for another 
season. Some who were losers were willing to try 
again and hope for better fortune. 

All the available plantations in the vicinity of Vicks- 
burg, Milliken's Bend, and other points along that 



318 A EAPACIOUS AGE^T. 

portion of the Mississippi were applied for before the 
beginning of the 'New Year. Application for these 
places were generally made by the former lessees or 
their friends. The prospects were good :for a vigorous 
prosecution of the free-labor enterprise during 1864. 

In the latter part of 1863, I passed down the Missis- 
sippi, en route to New Orleans. At Yicksburg I met a 
gentleman who had been investigating the treatment of 
the negroes under the new system, and was about 
making a report to the proper authorities. He claimed 
to have proof that the agents appointed by General 
Thomas had not been honest in their administration 
of affairs. 

One of these agents had taken five plantations under 
his control, and was proposing to retain them for 
another year. It was charged that he had not paid 
his negroes for their labor, except in scanty supplies 
of clothing, for which exorbitant prices were charged. 
He had been successful with his plantations, but de- 
livered very little cotton to the Government agents. 

The investigations into the conduct of agents and 
lessees were expected to make a change in the situation. 
Up to that time the War Department had controlled 
the whole system of plantation management. The 
Treasury Department was seeking the control, on 
the ground that the plantations were a source of 
revenue to the Government, and should be under 
its financial and commercial policy. If it could be 
proved that the system pursued was an unfair and 
dishonest one, there was probability of a change. 



KEW FEATURES. 319 

I pressed forward on my visit to New Orleans. 
On my return, two weeks later, tlie agents of General 
Thomas were pushing their plans for the coming year. 
There was jio indication of an immediate change in 
the management. The duties of these agents had 
been enlarged, and the region which they controlled 
extended from Lake Providence, sixty miles above 
^Vicksburg, to the mouth of Eed Kiver, nearly two 
hundred miles below. One of the agents had his 
ofl5.ce at Lake Providence, a second was located at 
Vicksburg, while the third was at Natchez. 

Nearly all the plantations near Lake Providence 
had been leased or applied for. The same was the 
case with most of those near Vicksburg. In some 
instances, there were several applicants for the same 
plantation. The agents announced their determination 
to sell the choice of plantations to the highest bidder. 
The competition for the best places was expected to 
"be very active. . 

There was one pleasing feature. Some of the ap- 
plicants for plantations were not like the sharp-eyed 
speculators who had hitherto controlled the business. 
They seemed to be men of character, desirous of 
experimenting with free labor for the sake of demon- 
strating its feasibility when skillfully and honestly 
managed. They hoped and believed it would be 
profitable, but they were not undertaking the enter- 
prise solely with a view to money-making. The 
number of these men was not large, but their presence, 
although in small force, was exceedingly encouraging. 



320 NEGKOES AS PLANTERS. 

I regret to say tliat tliese men were outstripped in 
the struggle for good locations hy their more unscru- 
pulous competitors. Before the season was ended, 
the majority of the honest men abandoned the field. 

During 1863, many negroes cultivated small lots 
of ground on their own account. Sometimes a whole 
family engaged in the enterprise, a single individual 
having control of the matter. In other cases, two,, 
three, or a half-dozen negroes would unite their labor, 
and divide the returns. One family of four persons 
sold twelve bales of cotton, at two hundred dollars 
per bale, as the result of eight months' labor. Six 
negroes who united their labor were able to sell 
twenty bales. The average was about one and a 
half or two bales to each of those persons who at- 
tempted the planting enterprise on their own account. 
A few made as high as four bales each, while others 
did not make more than a single bale. One negro, 
who was quite successful in planting on his own 
account, proposed to take a small plantation in 1864, 
and employ twenty or more colored laborers. How 
he succeeded I was not able to ascertain. 

The commissioners in charge of the freedmen gave 
the negroes every encouragement to plant on their own 
account. In 1864 there Avere thirty colored lessees near 
/ Milliken' s Bend, and about the same number at Helena. 
Ten of these persons at Helena realized $31,000 for their 
year' s labor. Two of them planted forty acres in cotton ; 
their expenses were about $1,200 ; they sold their crop 
for $8,000. Another leased twenty-four acres. His ex- 



HOW THEY SUCCEEDED. 321 

penses were less than $2,000, and lie sold Ms crop for 
$6,000. Another leased seventeen acres. He earned by 
the season's work enough to purchase a good house, 
and leave him a cash balance of $300. Another leased 
thirteen and a half acres, expended about $600 in its cul- 
tivation, and sold his crop for $4,000. 

At Milliken's Bend the negroes were not as success- 
ful as at Helena — much of the cotton crop being de- 
stroyed by the "army worm." It is possible that the 
return of peace may cause a discontinuance of the policy 
of leasing land to negroes. 

The planters are bitterly opposed to the policy 
of dividing plantations into small parcels, and allowing 
them to be cultivated by freedmen. They believe in 
extensive tracts of land under a single management, 
and endeavor to make the production of cotton a business 
for the few rather than the many. It has always been 
the rule to discourage small planters. No aristocratic 
proprietor, if he could avoid it, would sell any portion 
of his estate to a man of limited means. In the hilly 
portions of the South, the rich men were unable to 
carry out their policy. Consequently, there were many 
who cultivated cotton on a small scale. On the lower 
Mississippi this w^-s not the case. 

When the Southern States are fairly "reconstruct- 
ed," and the political control is placed in the hands 
of the ruling race, every elfort will be made to maintain 
the old policy. Plantations of a thousand or of three 
thousand acres will be kept intact, unless the hardest 
necessity compels their division. If possible, the ne- 

21 



322 POLICY OF DIVIDING LANDS. 

groes will not be permitted to possess or cultivate land 
on their own account. To allow them to hold real 
estate will "be partially admitting their claim tp human- 
ity. 'No true scion of chivalry can permit such an 
innovation, so long as he is ahle to make successful 
opposition. 

I have heard Southern men declare that a statute 
law should, and would, be made to prevent the negroes 
holding real estate. I have no doubt of the disposition 
of the late Rebels in favor of such enactment, and be- 
lieve they would display the greatest energy in its 
enforcement. It would be a labor of love on their 
part, as well as of duty. Its success would be an 
obstacle in the way of the much-dreaded "negro 
equality." 



THE CLOSE OF 1863. 323 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

AMONa THE OFFICIALS. 

Reasons for Trying an Experiment. — Activity among Lessees. — Opinions 
of the Residents. — Rebel Hopes in 1863. — Removal of Negroes to 
"West Louisiana. — Visiting ISTatcliez. — The City and its Business. — 
" The Rejected Addresses." 

In my visit to Vicksburg I was accompanied "by my 
fellow-journalist, Mr. Colljurn, of Tlie World. Mr. 
Colburn and myself had taken more tlian an ordinary 
interest in tlie free-labor enterprise. We had watched 
its inception eight months before, with many hopes for 
its success, and with as many fears for the result. The 
experiment of 1863, under all its disadvantages, gave 
us convincing proof that the production of cotton and 
sugar by free labor was both possible and profitable. 
The negro had proved the incorrectness of the slave- 
holders' assertion that no black man would labor on a 
plantation except as a slave. So much we had seen ac- 
complished. It was the result of a single year's trial. 
We desired to see a further and more extensive test. 

While studying the new system* in the hands of 
others, we were urged to bring it under -our personal 
observation. Various inducements were held out. We 
were convinced of the general feasibility of the enter- 
prise, wherever it received proper attention. As a phil- 



324 CATCHING OUR HARE. 

anthropic undertaking, it was commendalble. As a finan- 
cial experiment, it promised success. We looked at the 
matter in all its aspects, and finally decided to gain an 
intimate knowledge of plantation life in war-time. 
Whether we succeeded or failed, we would learn more 
al)out the freedmen than we had hitherto known, and 
would assist, in some degree, to solve the great problem 
before the country. Success would be personally profit- 
able, while failure could not be disastrous. 

We determined to lease a plantation, but had selected 
none. In her directions for cooking a hare, Mrs. Glass 
says: "First, catch your hare." Our animal was to be 
caught, and the labor of securing it proved greater than 
we anticipated. 

All the eligible locations around Yicksburg had been 
taken by the lessees of the previous season, or by new- 
ly-arrived persons who preceded us. There were sev- 
eral residents of the neighboring region who desired per- 
sons from the North to join them in tilling their planta- 
tions. They were confident of obtaining Rebel protec- 
tion, though by no means certain of securing perfect im- 
munity. In each case they demanded a cash advance 
of a few thousands, for the purj^ose of hiring the guer- 
rillas to keep the peace. As it was evident that the pur- 
chase of one marauding band would require the -puv- 
chase of others. Until the entire "Confederacy" had 
been bought up, we declined aU these proposals. 

Some of these residents, who wished Northern men 
to join them, claimed to have excellent plantations along 
the Yazoo, or near some of its tributary bayous. These 



DESTRUCTION OF REBEL HOPES. 325 

men were confident a fine cotton crop could be made,^ 
"if there were some Kortliern man to manage the nig- 
gers." It was the general complaint with the people 
who lived in that region that, with few exceptions, no 
Southern man could induce the negroes to continue at 
work. One of these plantation proprietors said his loca- 
tion was such that no guerrilla could get near it without 
endangering his life. An investigation showed that no 
other person could reach the plantation without incur- 
ring a risk nearly as great. Very few of .these owners 
of remote plantations were able to induce strangers to 
join them. 

We procured a map of the Mississippi and the coun- 
try bordering its banks. Whenever we found a good 
location and made inquiry about it at the office of the 
leasing agents, we were sure to ascertain that some 
one had already filed an application. It was plain that 
Yicksburg was not the proper field for our researches. 
We shook its dust from our feet and went to Natchez, a 
hundred and twenty-five miles below, where a better 
prospect was afibrded. 

In the spring of 1863, the Rebels felt confident of 
retaining permanent possession of Yicksburg and Port 
Hudson, two hundred and fifty miles apart. Whatever 
might be the result elsewhere, this portion of the Missis- 
sippi should not be abandoned. In the belief that the 
progress of the Yankees had been permanently stopped, 
the planters in the' locality mentioned endeavored to 
make as full crops as possible of the great staple of the 
South. Accordingly, they plowed and planted, and 



326 THE PLANTATIONS BELOW VICKSBUEG. 

tended the growing cotton until midsummer came. On 
the fourth of July, Yicksburg surrendered, and opened 
the river to Port Hudson. General Herron's Division 
was sent to re-enforce General Banks, who "was besieg- 
ing the latter place. In a few days, General Gardner 
hauled down his flag and gave Port Hudson to the 
nation. "The Father of Waters went unvexed to the 
Sea." 

The rich region that the Rebels had thought to hold 
was, by the fortune of war, in the possession of the Na- 
tional army. The planters suspended their operations, 
through fear that the Yankees would possess the land. 

Some of them sent their negroes to the interior of 
Louisiana for safety. Others removed to Texas, carry- 
ing all their human property with them. On some plan- 
tations the cotton had been so well cared for that it came 
to maturity in fine condition. On others it liad been 
very slightly cultivated, and was almost choked out of 
existence by weeds and grass. Nearly every j)lantation 
could boast of more or less cotton in the field — the quan- 
tity varying from twenty bales to five hundred. On 
some plantations cotton had been neglected, and a large 
crop of corn grown in its place. Everywhere the Rebel 
law had been obeyed by the production of more corn 
than iisual. There was enough for the sustenance of 
our armies for many months. 

Natchez was the center of this newly-opened region. 
Before the war it was the home of wealthy slave-owners, 
who believed the formation of a Southern Confederacy 
would be the fonnation of a terrestrial paradise. On 



NATCHEZ. 327 

■both banks of the Mississippi, above and below Natch- 
ez, were the finest cotton plantations of the great valley. 
One family owned nine plantations, from which eight 
thousand bales of cotton were annually sent to market. 
Another family owned seven plantations, and others 
were the owners of from three to six, respectively. 

The plantations were in the care of overseers and 
agents, and rarely visited by their owners. The profits 
were large, and money was poured out in profusion. 
The books of one of the Natchez banks showed a daily 
business, in the picking season, of two or three million 
dollars, generally on the accounts of planters and their 
factors. 

Prior to the Eebellion, cotton was usually shipped 
to New Orleans, and sold in that market. There were 
some of the planters who sent their cotton to Liverpool 
or Havre, without passing it through the hands of New 
Orleans factors. A large balance of the proceeds of 
such shipments remained to the credit of the shippers 
when the war broke' out, and saved them from financial 
ruin. The business of Natchez amounted, according to 
the season, from a hundred thousand to three liundred 
thousand bales. This included a great quantity that 
was sent to New Orleans from plantations above and 
below the city, without touching at all upon the levee 
at Natchez. 

Natchez consists of Natchez-on-the-Hill and Natchez- 
under-the-Hill. A blufif, nearly two hundred feet high, 
faces the Mississippi, where there is an eastward bend 
of the stream. Toward the river this bluff is almost 



328 ITS APPEAEANCE. 

perpendicular, and is climlbed by tliree roads cut into its 
face like inclined shelves. The French established a 
settlement at this point a hundred and fifty years ago, 
and erected a fortification for its defense. This work, 
known as Fort Rosalie, can still be traced with distinct- 
ness, though it has fallen into extreme decay. It was 
evidently a rectangular, bastioned work, and the loca- 
tion of the bastions and magazine can be readily made 
out. 

ISTatchez-under-the-Hill is a small, straggling village, 
having a few commission houses and stores, and dwell- 
ings of a suspicious character. It was once a resort of 
gamblers and other chevaliers W Industrie^ whose liveli- 
hood was derived from the travelers along the Missis- 
sippi. At present it is somewhat shorn of its glory. 

Natchez- on-the-Hill is a pleasant and well-built city, 
of about ten thousand inhabitants. The buildings dis- 
play wealth and good taste, the streets are wide and 
finely shaded, and the abundance of churches speaks in 
praise of the rehgious sentiment of the people. Near 
the edge of the bluff there was formerly a fine park, 
commanding a view of the river for several miles in 
either direction, and overlooking the plantations and 
cypress forests on the opposite shore. This pleasure- 
ground was reserved for the white people alone, no 
negro being allowed to enter the inclosure under severe 
penalties. A regiment of our soldiers encamped near 
•this park, and used its fence for fuel. The park is now 
free to persons of whatever color. 

Natchez suffered less from the Avar than most other 



PEOGEESS OF THE NEW ENTERPRISE. 329 

places of its size along the Mississippi. The Kelbels 
never erected fortifications in or around Natchez, having 
relied upon Yicksburg and Port Hudson for their pro- 
tection. When Admiral Farragut ascended the river, 
in 1862, after the fall of New Orleans, he promised that 
Natchez should not be disturbed, so long as the people 
oflfered no molestation to our gun-boats or army trans- 
ports. This neutrality was carefully observed, except 
on one occasion. A party which landed from the gun- 
boat Essex was fired upon by a militia company that 
desired to distinguish itself. Natchez was shelled for 
two hours, in retaliation for this outrage. From that 
time until our troops occupied the city there was no 
disturbance. 

When we arrived at Natchez, we found several 
Northern men already there, whose business was simi- 
lar to our own. Some had secured plantations, and 
were preparing to take possession. Others were watch- 
ing the situation and surveying the ground before mak- 
ing their selections. We found that the best plantations 
in the vicinity had been taken by the friends of Adju- 
tant-General Thomas, and were gone past our securing. 
At Yidalia, Louisiana, directly opposite Natchez, were 
two fine plantations, "Arnuldia" and "Whitehall," 
which had been thus appropriated. Others in their vi- 
cinity had been taken in one way or another, and were 
out of our reach. Some of the lessees declared they had 
been forced to promise a division with certain parties in 
authority before obtaining possession, while others main- 
tained a discreet silence on the subject. Many planta- 



330 AMONG THE WIDOWS. 

tions owned by widows and semi-loyal persons, would 
not be placed in the market as "abandoned property." 
There were many whose status had not been decided, so 
that they were practically out of the market. In conse- 
quence of these various drawbacks, the number of de- 
sirable locations that were open for selection was not 
large. 

One of the leasing agents gave us a letter to a young 
widow who resided in the city, and owned a large plan- 
tation in Louisiana, fifteen miles from Natchez. We lost 
no time in calling upon the lady. 

Other parties had already seen her with a view to 
leasing her plantation. Though she had promised the 
lease to one of these visitors, she had no objections to 
treating with ourselves, provided she could make a 
more advantageous contract. 

In a few days we repeated our visit. Our rival had 
urged his reasons for consideration, and was evidently 
in favor. He had claimed to be a Secessionist, and as- 
sured her he could obtain a safeguard from the Eebel 
authorities. The lady finally consented to close a con- 
tract with him, and placed us in the position of dis- 
carded suitors. We thought of issuing a new edition 
of " The Rejected Addresses." 



A JOUENEY BEYOND THE LINES, 3'31 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

A JOURNEY OUTSIDE THE LINES. 

Passing the Pickets. — Cold Weather in the South. — ^Effect of Climate 
upon the Constitution. — Surrounded and Captured. — Prevarication 
and Explanation. — Among the Natives. — The Game for the Confed- 
eracy. — Courtesy of the Planters. — Condition of the Plantations. — 
Tlie Keturn. 

Mr. Colburn went to St. Louis, on business in wliicli 
both were interested, and left me to look out a planta- 
tion. I determined to make a tour of exploration in 
Louisiana, in the region above Yidalia. With two or 
three gentlemen, who were bound on similar business, 
I passed our pickets one morning, and struck out into 
the region which was dominated by neither army. The 
weather was intensely cold, the ground frozen, solid, and 
a light snow falling. 

Cold weather in the South has one peculiarity : it can 
seem more intense than the same temperature at the 
North. It is the effect of the Southern climate to unfit 
the system for any thing but a wann atmosphere. The 
chill penetrates the whole body with a severity I have 
never known north of the Ohio River. In a cold day, 
the "Sunny South" possesses very few attractions in 
the eyes of a stranger. 

In that day's ride, and in the night which followed, 
I suffered more than ever before from cold. I once 



332 . A COLD DAY. 

passed a night in the open air in the Rocky Mount- 
ains, with the thermometer ten degrees below zero. 
I t hink it was more endurable than Louisiana, with 
the mercury ten degrees above zero. On my plan- 
tation hunt I was thickly clad, but the cold would 
penetrate, in spite of every thing. An hour by a 
fire might bring some warmth, but the first step into 
the open air would drive it away. Fluid extract of 
corn failed to have its ordinary efiect; The people 
of the vicinity said the weather was unusually severe 
on that occasion. For the sake of those who reside 
there hereafter, I hope their statement was true. 

Our party stopjped for the night at a plantation 
near Waterproof, a small village on the bank of the 
river, twenty-two miles from Natchez. Just as we 
were ^comfortably seated by the fire in the overseer's 
house, one of the negroes announced that a person 
at the door wished to see us. 

I stepped to the door, and found a half-dozen 
mounted men in blue uniforms. Each man had a 
carbine or revolver drawn on liie. One of my com- 
panions followed me outside, and found that the 
strange party had weapons enough to cover both of 
us. It had been rumored that several guerrillas, 
wearing United States uniforms, were lurking in the 
vicinity. Our conclusions concerning the character 
of our captors were speedily made. 

Resistance was useless, but there were consider- 
ations that led us to parley as long as possible. 
Three officers, and as many soldiers, from Natchez, 



MY CAPTURE. 333 

had overtaken us in the afternoon, and Iborne tis 
company during the latter part of our ride. When 
we stopped for the night, they concluded to go 
forward two or three miles, and return in the morn- 
ing. Supposing ourselves fairly taken, we wished 
to give our friends opportunity to escape. With 
this ohject in view, we endeavored, by much talk^ 
ing, to consume time. 

I believe it does not make a man eloquent to compel 
him to peer into the muzzles of a half-dozen cocked re- 
volvers, that may be discharged at any instant on the 
will of the holders. Prevarication is a difficult task, 
when time, place, and circumstances are favorable. 
It is no easy matter to convince your hearers of the 
truth of a story you know to be false, even when 
those hearers are inclined to be credulous. Surround- 
ed by strangers, and with your life in peril, the 
difficulties are greatly increased. I am satisfied that 
I made a sad failure on that particular occasion. 

My friend and myself answered, indiscriminately, 
the questions that were propounded. Our responses 
did not always agree. Possibly we might have done 
better-if only one of us had spoken. 

"Come out of that house," was the first request 
that was made. 

We came out. 

"Tell those soldiers to come out." 

"There are no soldiers here," I responded. 

" That's a d—d lie." 

" There are none here." 



334 A MISUNDERSTANDING. 

"Yes, there are," said the spokesman of the party. 
"Some Yankee soldiers came here a little while 
ago." 

" We have been here only a few minutes." 

" Where did you come from ?" 

This was what the lawyers call a leading question. 
We did not desire to acknowledge we were from 
Natchez, as that would reveal us at once. We did 
not wish to say we were from Shreveport, as it 
would soon he proved we were not telling the truth. 
I replied that we had come from a plantation a few 
miles "below. Simultaneously my companion said we 
had just crossed the river. 

Here was a lack of corroborative testimony which 
our captors commented upon, somewhat to our dis- 
credit. So the conversation went on, our answers 
becoming more confused each time we spoke. At 
last the leader of the group dismounted, and pre- 
pared to search the house. He turned us over to 
the care of his companions, saying, as he did so : 

"If I find any soldiers here, you may shoot these 
d — d fellows for lying." 

During all the colloquy we had been carefully cov- 
ered by the weapons of the group. We knew no sol- 
diers could be found about the premises, and felt no fear 
concerning the result of the search. 

Just as the leader finished his search, a lieutenant 
and twenty men rode up. 

"Well," said our captor, "you are saved from 
shooting. I will turn you over to the lieutenant." 



SUPPOSED TO BE REBEL OFFIOEES. 335 

I recognized in that individual an officer to wliom I 
had received introduction a day or two before. The 
recognition was mutual. 

We had fallen into the hands of a scouting party of 
our own forces. Each mistook the other for Rebels. 
The contemplated shooting was indefinitely postponed. 
The lieutenant in command concluded to encamp near 
us, and we passed the evening in becoming acquainted 
with each other. 

On the following day the scouting party returned to 
Natchez. With my two companions I proceeded ten 
miles further up the river-bank, calling, on the way, at 
several plantations. All the inhabitants supposed we 
were Rebel officers, going to or from Kirby Smith's de- 
partment. At one house we found two old gentlemen 
indulging in a game of chess. In response to a com- 
ment upon their mode of amusement, one of them said : 

"We play a very slow and cautious game, sir. Such 
a game as the Confederacy ought to play at this time." 

To this I assented. 

" How did you cross the river, gentlemen ?" was the 
first interrogatory. 

" We crossed it at Natchez." 

"At Natchez! We do not often see Confederates 
from Natchez. You must have been very fortunate to 
get through." 

Then we explained who and what we were. The 
explanation was followed by a little period of silence on * 
the part of our new acquaintances. Very soon, how- 
ever, the ice was broken, and our conversation became 



336 CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY. 

free. We were assured that we miglit travel anywhere 
in that region as officers of the Rebel army, without the 
slightest suspicion of our real character. They treated 
IIS courteously, and prevailed upon us to join them at 
dinner. Many apologies were given for the scantiness 
of the repast. Corn-bread, bacon, and potatoes were 
the only articles set before us. Our host said he was 
utterly unable to procure flour, sugar, coffee, or any 
thing else not produced upon his plantation. He 
thought the good times would return when the war 
ended, and was particularly anxious for that moment to 
arrive. He pressed us to pass the night at his house,' 
but we were unable to do so. On the following day we 
returned to Natchez, 

Everywhere on the road from Vidalia to the farthest 
point of our journey, we found the plantations running 
to waste. The negroes had been sent to Texas or West 
Louisiana for safety, or were remaining quietly in their 
quarters. Some had left their masters, and were gone to 
the camps of the ISTational army at Vicksburg and 
Natchez. The planters had susj)ended work, partly be- 
cause they deemed it useless to do any thing in the pre- 
vailiag uncertainty, and partly because the negroes 
were unwilling to perform any labor. Squads of Rebel 
cavalry had visited some of the plantations, and threat- 
ened punishment to the negroes if they did any thing 
whatever toward the production of cotton. Of course, 
the negroes would heed such advice if they heeded no 
other. 

On all the plantations we found cotton and corn, 



"GENTLEMEN" OF THE JURY." 337 

principally the latter, standing in the field. Sometimes 
there were single inclosnres of several hundred acres. 
The owners were desirous of making any arrangement 
that would secure the tilling of their soil, while it did 
not involve them in any troul)le with their neighbors 
or the Rebel authorities. 

They deplored the reverses which the Rebel cause 
had suffered, and confessed that the times were out of 
joint. One of the men we visited was a judge in the 
courts of Louisiana, and looked at the question in a legal 
light. After lamenting the severity of the storm which 
was passing over the South, and expressing his fear that 
the Rebellion would be a failure, he referred to his own 
situation. 

*'I own a plantation," said he, "and have combined 
my planting interest with the practice of law. The for- 
tune of war has materially changed my circumstances. 
My niggers used to do as I told them, but that time is 
passed. Your N"orthern people have made soldiers of 
our servants, and will, I presume, make voters of them. 
In five years, if I continue the practice of law, I suppose 
I shall be addressing a dozen negroes as gentlemen of 
the jury." 

" If you had a negro on trial," said one of our party, 
" that would be correct enough. Is it not acknowledged 
everywhere that a man shall be tried by his peers'?" 

The lawyer admitted that he never thought of that 
point before. He said he would insist upon having 
negroes admitted into court as counsel for negroes that 
were to be tried by a jury of their race. He did not 

22 



338 HOPES OF THE PLANTERS. 

believe they would ever be available as laborers in the 
field if they were set free, and thought so many of them 
would engage in theft that negro courts would be con- 
stantly busy. 

Generally speaking, the planters that I saw were not 
violent Secessionists, though none of them were uncon- 
ditional Union men. All said they had favored secession 
at the beginning of the movement, because they thought 
it would strengthen and perpetuate slavery. Most of 
them had lost faith in its ultimate success, but clung to 
it as their only hope. The few Union men among them, 
or those who claimed to be loyal, were friends of the 
nation with many conditions. They desired slavery to 
be restored to its former status, the rights of the States 
left intact, and a full pardon extended to all who had 
taken part in the Rebellion. Under these conditions 
they would be willing to see the Union restored. Other- 
wise, the war must go on. 

We visited several plantations on our tour of obser- 
vation, and compared their respective merits. One 
plantation contained three thousand acres of land, but 
was said to be very old and worn out. Near it was one 
of twelve hundred acres, three-fourths covered with 
corn, but with no standing cotton. One had six hun- 
dred acres of cotton in the field. This place belonged to 
a Spaniard, who would not be disturbed by Government, 
and who refused to allow any work done until after the 
end of the war. Another had four hundred acres of 
standing cotton, but the plantation had been secured by 
a lessee, who was about commencing work. 



MERITS AKD DEMEEITS OF PLANTATIONS. 339 

All liad merits, and all had demerits. On some there 
was a sufficient force for the season's work, while on 
others there was scarcely an able field-hand. On some 
the gin-houses had been burned, and on others they 
were standing, but disabled. A few plantations were 
in good order, but there was always some drawback 
against our securing them. Some were liable to over- 
flow during the expected flood of the Mississippi ; others 
were in the hands of their owners, and would not be 
leased by the Government. Some that had been aban- 
doned were so thoroughly abandoned that we would 
hesitate to attempt their cultivation. There were several 
plantations more desirable than others, and I busied 
myself to ascertain the status of their owners, and the 
probabilities concerning their disposal. 

Some of the semi-loyal owners of plantations were 
able to make very good speculations in leasing their 
property. There was an earnest competition among the 
lessees to secure promising plantations. One owner 
made a contract, by which he received five thousand dol- 
lars in cash and half the product of the year's labor. 

A week after the lessee took possession, he was 
frightened by the near approach of a company of Rebel 
cavalry. He broke his contract and departed for the 
K"orth, forfeiting the five thousand dollars he had ad- 
vanced. Another lessee was ready to make a new 
contract with the owner, paying five thousand dollars 
as his predecessor had done. Four weeks later, this 
lessee abandoned the field, and the owner was at liberty 
to begin anew. 



340 A FORTUNATE OATH. 

To widows and orphans the agents of the Government 
displayed a commendable liberality. Nearly all of 
these persons were allowed to retain control of their 
plantations, leasing them as they saw fit, and enjoying 
the income. Some were required to subscribe to the 
oath of allegiance, and promise to show no more sympa- 
thy for the crumbling Confederacy. In many cases 
no pledge of any kind was exacted. 

I knew one widow whose disloyalty was of the most 
violent character. On a visit to New Orleans she was 
required to take the oath of allegiance before she could 
leave the steamboat at the levee. She signed the print- 
ed oath under protest. A month later, she brought this 
document forward to prove her loyalty and secure the 
control of her plantation. 



PROMISE OF PEOTEOTION". 341 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

ON THE PLANTATION. 

Military Protection. — Promises. — Another Widow. — Securing a Planta- 
tion. — Its Locality and Appearance. — Gardening in Louisian?. — How 
Cotton is Picked.—" The TeU-Tale."— A Southerner's Opinion of the 
Negro Character. — Causes and Consequences. 

Parties wlio proposed to lease and cultivate sxhan- 
doned plantations were anxious to know what protec- 
tion would loe afforded them. General Thomas and his 
agents assured them that proper military posts would 
soon Ibe established at points within easy distance of 
each other along the river, so that all plantations in 
certain limits would Ibe amply protected. This would 
"be done, not as a courtesy to the lessees, but as a 
part of the policy of providing for the care of the ne- 
groes. If the lessees would undertake to feed and 
clothe several thousand negroes, besides paying them 
fo'r their labor, they would relieve the Government au- 
thorities of a great responsibility. They would demon- 
strate the feasibility of employing the negroes as free 
laborers. The cotton which they would throw into 
market would serve to reduce the prices of that staple, 
and be a partial su]3ply to the JSTorthern factories. All 
these things considered, the Government was anxious to 
foster the enterprise, and would give it every proper 



342 OUR LOCATION. 

assistance. Tlie agents were profuse in their promises 
of protection, and assured ns it would "be speedily forth- 
coming. 

There was a military post at Yidalia, opposite 
Natchez, which afforded protection to the plantations in 
which General Thomas' s family and friends were inter- 
ested. Another was promised at Waterproof, twenty 
miles above, with a stockade midway between the two 
places. There was to be a force of cavalry to make a 
daily journey over the road between Yidalia and Water- 
proof. I selected two plantations about two miles be- 
low Waterproof, and on the bank of the Mississipj)!. 
They were separated by a strip of wood-land half a mile 
in width, and by a small bayou reaching from the river 
to the head of Lake St. John. Both plantations belonged 
to the same person, a widow, living near JSTatchez. 

The authorities had not decided what they would do 
with these plantations — whether they would hold them 
as Government property, or allow the owner to control 
them. In consideration of her being a widow of fifteen 
years' standing, they at length determined upon the lat- 
ter course. It would be necessary to take out a lease 
from the authorities after obtaining one from the owner. 
I proceeded at once to make the proi)er negotiations. 

Another widow ! My first experience in seeldng to 
obtain a widow' s plantation was not encouraging. The 
first widow was young, the second was old. Both were 
anxious to make a good bargain. In the first instance I 
had a rival, who proved victorious. In the second af- 
fair I had no rival at the outset, but was confronted with 



MY WIDOW. 343 

one when my suit was fairly under way. Before lie 
came I obtained a promise of the widow' s plantations. 
My rival made lier a better offer -than I had done. At 
this she proposed to desert me. I caused the elder Wel- 
ler's advice to be whispered to him, hoping it might 
induce his withdrawal. He did not retire, and we, 
therefore, continued our struggle. He was making pro- 
posals on his own behalf ; I was proposing for myself 
and for Mr. Colburn, who was then a thousand miles 
away. 

My widow (I call her mine, for I won at last) desiredy' 
us to give her all the corn and cotton then on the planta- 
tions, and half of what should be produced under our 
management. I offered her half the former and one- 
fourth the latter. These were the terms on which nearly 
all private plantations were being leased. She agreed 
to the offer respecting the corn and cotton then standing 
in the field, and demanded a third of the coming year's 
products. After some hesitation, we decided upon " split- 
ting the difference." Upon many minor points, such as 
the sale of wood, stock, wool, etc., she had her own way. 

A contract was drawn up, which gave Colburn 
and myself the lease of the two plantations, '' Aquasco " 
and "Monono," for the period of one year. We 
were to gather the crops than standing in the field, 
both cotton and corn, selling all the former and such 
portion of the latter as was npt needed for the use of 
the plantations. We were to cultivate the plantations 
to the best of our abilities, subject to the fortunes 
of flood, fire, and pestilence, and the ojperations of 



344 OBTAINING A CONTRACT. 

military and marauding forces. We agreed to 
give up the plantations at the end of the year 
in as good condition 'as we found them in respect 
to stock, tools, etc., unless prevented by circum 
stances beyond our control. We were to have full 
supervision of the plantations, and manage them as 
we saw fit. We were to furnish such stock and 
tools as might be needed, with the privilege of 
removing the same at the time of our departure. 

Our widow (whom I shall call Mrs. B.) was to 
( have one-half the proceeds of the corn and cotton 
then on the plantations, and seven twenty -fourths of 
such as might be produced during the year. She 
was to have the privilege of obtaining, once a week, 
the supplies of butter, chickens, meal, vegetables, . 
and similar articles she might need for her family 
use. There were other provisions in the contract, 
but the essential points were those I have mentioned. 
The two plantations were to be under a single man- 
agement. I shall have occasion to speak of them 
jointl}^, as "the plantation." 
, With this contract duly signed, sealed, and stamped, 
I went to the "Ag^nt for Abandoned Plantations.". 
After some delay, and a payment of liberal fees, 1 
obtained the Government lease. These preliminaries 
concluded, I proceeded to the locality of our temporary 
home. Colburn had not returned from the N'orth, but 
was expected daily. 

The bayou which I have mentioned, running through 
the strip of woods which separated the plantations. 



HOUSE AND GARDEN". 345 

formed tlie dividing line "between tlie parislies "Con- 
cordia" and "Tensas," in the State of Louisiana. 
Lake St. John lay directly in rear of "Monono," 
our lower plantation. This lake was five or six 
miles long Iby one in width, and was, doubtless, 
the bed of the Mississippi many years ago. 

On each plantation there were ten dwelling-houses 
for the negroes. On one they Tyere arranged in a 
double row, and on the other in a single row. There 
was a larger house for the overseer, and there were 
blacksmith shops, carpenter shops, stables, corn-cribs,\ 
meat-houses, cattle-yards, and gin-houses. 

On Aquasco there was a dwelling-house containing 
five large rooms, and having a wide veranda along 
its entire front. This dwelling-house was in a spacious 
inclosure, by the side of a fine garden. Inside this 
inclosure, and not far from the dAvelling, were the 
quarters for the house-servants, the carriage-house 
and private stable, the snioke-house and the kitchen, 
which lay detached from the main building, according 
to the custom prevailing in the South. 

Our garden could boast of fig and orange trees, and 
other tropical productions. Pinks and roses we pos- 
sessed in abundance. Of the latter we had enough 
in their season to furnish all the flower-girls on Broad- 
way with a stock in trade. Our gardener "made 
his garden" in February. By the middle of March, 
his potatoes, cabbages, beets, and other vegetables 
under his care were making fine progress. Before 
the jingle of sleigh-bells had ceased in the Eastern 



/ 



346 CONDITION OF THE PLANTATION. 

States, we were feasting upon delicious strawlDerriea 
from our own garden, rij)eued in the open air. The 
region where plowing begins in January, and corn 
is planted in February or early March, impresses a 
New Englander with its contrast to his boyhood 
home. ' 

When I took possession of our new property, the 
state of affairs was not the most pleasing. Mrs. B. had 
sent the best of her negroes to Texas shortly after the 
fall of Yicksburg. Those remaining on the plantations 
were not sufficient for our work. There were four mules 
where we needed fifty, and there was not a sufficient 
supply of oxen and wagons. Farming tools, plows, etc., 
were abundant, but many repairs must be made. There 
was enough of nearly every thing for a commencement. 
The rest would be secured in due season. 

Cotton and corn were in the field. The former was 
to receive immediate attention. On the day after my 
arrival I mustered thu-ty-four laborers of all ages and 
both sexes, and placed them at work, under the super- 
intendence of a foreman. During the afternoon I visited 
them in the field, to observe the progress they were 
making. It was the first time I had ever witnessed the 
operation, but I am confident I did not betray my inex- 
perience in the presence of my colored laborers. The 
foreman asked my ojoinion upon various points of plan- 
tation management, but I deferred making answer until 
a subsequent occasion. In every case I told him to do 
for the present as they had been accustomed, and I 
would make such changes as I saw fit from time to time. 



COTTON-PICKING. 347 

Cotton-picking requires skill rather than strength. 
The young women are usually the best pickers, on ac- 
count of their su]perior dexterity. The cotton-stalk, or 
bush, is from two to five or six feet high. It is unlike 
any plant with which we are familiar in the North. It 
resembles a large currant-bush more nearly than any 
thing else I can think of. Where the branches are 
widest the plant is three or four feet from side to side. 
The lowest branches are the longest, and the plant, 
standing by itself, has a shape similar to that of the 
Northern spruce. The stalk is sometimes an inch and 
a half in diameter where it leaves the ground. Before 
the leaves have fallen, the rows in a cotton-field bear a 
strong resemblance to a series of untrimmed hedges. 

When fully opened, the cotton-bolls almost envelop 
the plant in their snow-white fiber. At a distance a 
cotton-field ready for the pickers forcibly reminds a 
Northerner of an expanse covered with snow. Our 
Northern expression, "white as snow," is not in use in 
the Gulf States. "White as cotton" is the form of com- 
parison which takes its place. 

Tlie pickers walk between the rows, and gather the 
cotton from the stalks on either side. Each one gathers 
half the cotton from the row on his riglit, and half of 
that on his left. Sometimes, when the stalks are low, 
one person takes an entire row to himself, and gathers 
from both sides of it. A bag is suspended by a strap 
over the shoulder, the end of the bag reaching the 
ground, so that its weight may not be an inconvenience. 
The open boll is somewhat like a fully bloomed water- 



348 KEEPING ACCOUNTS. 

lily. The skill in picking lies in thrusting the fingers 
into the boll so as to remove all the cotton with a single 
motion. Ordinary pickers grasp the Iboll with one hand 
and pluck out the cotton with the other. Skillful pick- 
ers work with both hands, never touching the bolls, but 
removing the cotton by a single dextrous twist of the 
fingers. They can thus operate with great rapidity. 

As fast as the bags are filled, they are emptied into 
large baskets, which are placed at a corner of the field or 
at the ends of the rows. When the day's work is ended 
the cotton is weighed. The amount-brought forward by 
each person is noted on a slate, from which it is subse- 
quently recorded on the account-book of the plantation. 

From one to four hundred pounds, according to the 
state of the plants, is the proper allowance for each hand 
per day. 

In the days of slavery the "stint" was fixed Idy the 
overseer, and was required to be picked under severe 
penalties. It is needless to say that this stint was suf- 
ficiently large to allow of no loitering during the entire 
day. If the slave exceeded the quantity required of 
him, the excess was sometimes placed to his credit and 
deducted from a subsequent day. This was by no means 
the universal custom. Sometimes he received a small 
present or was granted some especial favor. By some 
masters the stint was increased by the addition of the 
excess. The task was always regulated by the condi- 
tion of the cotton in the field. Where it would some- 
times be three hundred pounds, at others it would not 
exceed one hundred. . 



■A TELL-TALE. 349 

At the time I commenced my cotton-picking, tlie cir- 
cumstances were not favorable to a large return. The 
picking season begins "in August or September, and is 
supposed to end before Christmas. In my case it was \ 
late in January, and the winter rain had washed much 
of the cotton from the stalks. Under the circumstances 
I could not expect more than fifty or seventy-five pounds 
per day for each person engaged. 

During the first few days I did not weigh the cotton. / 
I knew the average was not more than fifty pounds to 
each person, but the estimates which the negroes made 
fixed it at two hundred pounds. One night I astonished 
them by taking the weighing apparatus to the field ^ nd 
carefully weighing each basket. There was much dis- 
appointment among all parties at the result. The next 
day's picking showed a surprising improvement. After 
that time, each day's work was tested and the result 
announced. The "tell-tale," as the scales were some- 
times called, was an overseer from whom there was no 
escape. I think the negroes worked faithfully as soon 
as they found there was no opportunity for deception. 

I was visited by Mrs. B.'s agent a few days after I 
became a cotton-planter. We took an inventory of the 
portable property that belonged to the establishment, 
and arranged some plans for our mutual advantage. 
This agent was a resident of Natchez. He was born in 
the North, but had lived so long in the slave States tliat 
his sympathies were wholly Southern. He assured me 
the negroes were the greatest liars in the world,' and 
required continual watching. They would take every 



350 CHAEGES AGAKs'ST THE NEGEO. 

opportunity to neglect their work, and were always 
planning new modes of deception. They wonld steal 
every thing of which they could make any use, and many 
articles that they could not possibly disj)ose of. Pre- 
tending illness was among the most frequent devices for 
avoiding labor, and the overseer was constantly obliged 
to contend against such deception. In short, as far as I 
could ascertain from this gentleman, the negro was the 
embodiment of all earthly wickedness. Theft, falsehood, 
idleness, deceit, and many other sins which afflict mor- 
tals, were the especial heritance of the negro. 

In looldng about me, I found that many of these 
charges against the negro were true. The black man 
was deceptive, and he was often dishonest. There can 
be no effect without a cause, and the reasons for this de- 
ception and dishonesty were aj)parent, without difficult 
research. The system of slavery necessitated a constant 
struggle between the slave and his overseer. It was 
the duty of the latter to obtain the greatest amount of 
labor from the sinews of the slave. It was the business 
of the slave to perform as little labor as possible. It 
made no difference to him whether the plantation pro- 
duced a hundred or a thousand bales. He received 
nothing beyond his subsistence and clothing. His 
labor had no compensation, and his balance-sheet at 
the end of the month or year was the same, whether he 
had been idle or industrious. It was plainly to his per- 
sonal interest to do nothing he could in any way avoid. 
The negro displayed his sagacity by deceiving'the over- 
seer whenever he could do so. The best white man in 



AEGUING THE CASE. 351 

the world would have shunned all labor under such 
circumstances. The negro evinced a pardonable weak- 
ness in pretending to be ill whenever he could hope to 
make the pretense successful. 

Receiving no compensation for his services, bevond 
his necessary support, the negro occasionally sought to 
compensate himself. He was fond of roasted pork, but 
that article did not appear on the list of plantation 
rations. Consequently some of the negroes Avould make 
clandestine seizure of the fattest pigs when the chance 
of detection was not too great. It was hard to convince 
them that the use of one piece of property for the benefit 
of another piece, belonging to the same person, was a se- 
rious offense. 

" You see, Mr. K ," said a negro to me, admitting 

that he had sometimes stolen his master's hogs, "you 
see, master owns his saddle-horse, and he owns lots of 
corn. Master would be very mad if I didn't give the 
horse all the corn he wanted. ISTow, he owns me, and he 
owns a great many hogs. I like hog, just as much as 
the horse likes corn, but when master catches me killing 
the hogs he is very mad, and he makes the overseer 
whip me." 

Corn, chickens, flour, meal, in fact, every thing edi- 
ble, became legitimate plunder for the negroes when tlie 
rations furnished them were scanty. I believe that in 
nine cases out of ten the petty thefts which the ne- 
groes committed were designed to supply personal 
wants, rather than for any other purpose. What the 
negro stole was usually an article of food, and it was 



n/ 



352 PLANTATION" HONESTY. 

nearly always stolen from tlie plantation where lie "be- 
longed. 

Sometimes there was a specially iDad negro — one who 
had been caught in some extraordinary dishonesty. 
One in my employ was reported to have heen shot at 
while stealing from a dAvelling-honse several years be- 
fore. Among two hundred negroes, he was the only 
noted rascal. I did not attribute his dishonesty to his 
complexion alone. I have known worse men than he, 
in whose veins there was not a drop of African blood. 
The police records everywhere show tliat wickedness of 
heart "dwells in white and black the same." 

With his disadvantages of position, the absence of 
all moral training, and the dishonesty which was the 
natural result of the old system of labor, the negro 
could not be expected to observe all the rules pre- 
scribed for his guidance, but which were never ex- 
plained. Like ignorant and degraded people every- 
where, many of the negroes believed that guilt lay 
mainly in detection. There was little wickedness in 
stealing a pig or a chicken, if the theft were never dis- 
covered, and there was no occasion for allowing twinges 
of conscience to disturb the digestion. 

I do not intend to intimate, by the above, that all 
were dishonest, even in these small peculations. There 
were many whose sense of right and wrong was very 
clear, and whose knowledge of their duties had been 
derived from the instructions of the white preachers. 
These negroes " obeyed their masters" in every thing, 
and considered it a religious obligation to be always 



A NEGEO COUET. 353 

faithful. They never avoided their tasks, in the field or 
elsewhere, and were never discovered doing any wrong. 
Under the new system of labor at the South, this portion 
of the negro population will prove of great advantage 
in teaching their kindred the duties they owe to each 
other. When all are trained to think and act for them- 
selves, the negroes will, doubtless, prove as correct in 
morals as the white people around them. 

Early in the present year, the authorities at Davis' 
Bend, below Vicksburg, established a negro court, in 
which all petty cases were tried. The judge, jury,, 
counsel, and officers were negroes, and no white man 
was allowed to interfere during the progress of a trial. 
After the decisions were made, the statement of the case 
and the action thereon were referred to the superintend- 
ent of the Government plantations at that point. 

It was a noticeable feature that the punishments 
which the negroes decreed for each other were of a 
severe character. Yery frequently it was necessary for 
the authorities to modify the sentences after the colored 
judge had rendered them. The cases tried by the court 
related to offenses of a minor character, such as theft, 
fraud, and various delinquencies of the freed negroes. 

The experiment of a negro court is said to have been 
very successful, though it required careful watching. 
It was made in consequence of a desire of the author- 
ities to teach the freedmen how to govern themselves. 
The planters in the vicinity were as bitterly opposed to 
the movement as to any other effort that lifts the negro 
above his old position. 

23 



364 AN EXPERIMENT. 



n/ 



At the i^resent time, several parties in Yicksburg 
have leased three plantations, in as many localities, and 
are managing them on different plans. On the first they 
furnish the negroes with food and clothing, and divide 
the year's income with them. On the second they pay 
wages at the rate of ten dollars per month, furnishing 
rations free, and retaining half the money until the end 
of the year. On the third they pay daily wages of one 
dollar, having the money ready at nightfall, the negro 
huying his own rations at a neighboring store. 

On the first plantation, the negroes are wasteful of 
their supplies, as they are not liable for any part of 
their cost. They are inclined to be idle, as their share 
in the division will not be materially affected by the loss 
of a few days' labor. On the second tliey are less 
wasteful and more industrious, but the distance of the 
day of payment is not calculated to develop notions of 
strict economy. On the third they generally display 
great frugality, and are far more inclined to labor than 
on the other plantations. 

The reason is apparent. On the first plantation their 
condition is no^ greatly changed from that of slavery, 
except in the promise of compensation and the absence 
of compulsory control. In the last case they are made 
responsible both for their labor and expenses, and are 
learning how to care for themselves as freemen. 



THE PLANTATIOIT RECOED. 355 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

RULES AND REGULATIONS UNDER THE OLD AND NEW STST^EMS. 

The Plantation Record. — Its Uses. — Interesting Memoranda. — Dogs, 
Jail, and Stocks. — Instructions to the Overseer. — His Duties and 
Responsibilities. — The Order of General Banks. — Management of 
Plantations in the Department of the Gulf. — The two Documents 
Contrasted. — One of the Eflfeots of " an Abolition "War." 

Nearly every planter in the South required the 
manager of his plantation to keep a record of all events 
of importance. Books were prepared by a publishing 
house in New Orleans, with special reference to their 
use by overseers. These books had a blank for every 
day in the year, in which the amount and kind of work 
performed were to be recorded by the overseer. There 
were blanks for noting the progress during the pick- 
ing season, and the amount picked by each person 
daily. There were blanks for monthly and yearly in- 
ventories of stock, tools, etc., statements of supplies 
received and distributed, lists of births and deaths 
(there were no blanks for marriages), time and amount 
of shipments of cotton, and" for all the ordinary business 
of a plantation. In the directions for the use of this 
book, I found the following : — 

" On the pages marked T, the planter himself will make a careful rec- , 
ord of all the negroes upon the plantation, stating their ages as nearly 
as jiossible, and their cash value, at the commencement of the year. At 
the close, he will again enter their individual value at that time, adding 



356 INTERESTING MEMORANDA. 

the year's increase, and omitting those that may have died. The differ- 
ence can then be transferred to the balance-sheet. The year's crop is 
chargeable with any depreciation in the value of the negroes, occasioned 
by overwork and improper management, in the effort, perhaps, to make 
an extra crop independent of every other consideration. On the other 
hand, should the number of children have greatly increased during the 
year; the strength and usefulness of the old been sustained by kind 
treatment and care ; the youngsters taught to be useful, and, perhaps, 
some of the men instructed in trades and the women in home manu- 
factures, the increased value of the entire force will form a handsome 
addition to the side of profits.'''' 

On the pages where the daily incidents of the planta- 
tion were recorded, I frequently discovered entries that 
illustrated the "peculiar institution." Some of them 

read thus : — 

June 5t7i. 
Whipped Harry and Sarah to-day, because they didn't keep up 
their rows. 

July Tth. 
Aleck ran away to the woods, because I threatened to whip him. 

July dtJi. 
Got Mr. Hall's dogs and hunted Aleck. Didn't find him. Think 
he is in the swamp back of Brandon's. 

July 12th. 
Took Aleck out of Vidalia jail. Paid $4.50 for jail fees. Put him 
in the stocks when we got homo. 

July oOth. 
Moses died this morning. Charles and Henry buried him. His 
wife was allowed to keep out of the field until noon. 

August 10th. 
Sent six mules and four negroes down to the lower plantation 
They wiU come back to-morrow. 

September 0th. 
John said he was sick this morning, but I made him go to th» 
field. They brought him in before noon. He has a bad fever. Am 
afraid ho won't be able to go out again soon. 

September 2Qth. 
Whipped Susan, because she didn't pick as much cotton as she did. 
yesterday. 



DOGS, JAIL, AND STOCKS. 357 

September 2MTi. 
Put "William in the stocks and kept him till smiset, for telling 
Charles he wanted to run away, 

October 8th. 
"William and Susan want to be married. Told them I should not 
allow it, but they might live together if they wanted to. 

(The above memorandum was explained to me Iby 
one of the negroes. Tlie owner of the plantation did not 
approve of marriages, because they were inconvenient 
in case it was desired to sell a portion of the working 
force.) 

October 1st. 
Took an inventory of the negroes and stock. Their value is about 
the same as when the last inventory was taken. 

December Sd. 
Finished picking. Gave the negroes half a holiday. 

N'early every day's entry shows the character and 
amount of work performed. Thus we have : — 

February 10 th. 
Fifteen plows running, five hands pihng logs, four hands ditching, 
six hands in trash-gang. 

In the planting, hoeing, and picking seasons, the re- 
sult of the labor was recorded in the same manner. 
Whippings were more or less frequent, according to the 
character of the overseer. Under one overseer I found 
that whippings were rare. Under other overseers they 
were of common occurrence. 

The individual who prepared the ^^ Plantation Reo- 
ord^'' for the publishers, gave, in addition to directions 
fpr its -use, instructions for the overseer's general con- 



358 INSTRUCTIONS TO THE OVERSEER. 

duct. I copy them below, preserving the author's 
language throughout. 



THE DUTIES OF AN OVERSEER. 

It is here supposed tliat the overseer is not immediately under his 
employer's eye, but is left for days or weeks, perhaps months, to the 
exercise of his own judgment in the management of the plantation. 
To him we would say — 

Bear in mind, that you have engaged for a stated sura of money, to 
devote your time and energies, for an entire year, to one ohject — to carry 
out the orders of your employer, strictly, cheerfully, and to the best of 
your ability ; and, in all things, to study his interests — requiring some- 
thing more than your mere presence on the plantation, and that at such 
times as suits your own pleasure and convenience. 

On entering upon your duties, inform yourself thoroughly of the 
condition of the plantation, negroes, stock, implements, etc. Learn the 
views of your employer as to the general course of management he 
wishes pursued, and make up your mind to carry out these views fuUy, 
as far as in your power. If any objections occur to you, state them 
distinctly, that they may either be yielded to or overcome. 

Where full and particular directions are not given to you, but you 
are left, in a great measure, to the exercise of your own judgment, you 
will find the following hints of service. They are compiled from excel- 
lent sources — from able articles in the agricultural journals of the day, 
from Washington's Directions to his Overseers, and from personal ex- 
perience. 

"I do, in explicit terms, enjoin it upon you to remain constantly at 
Lome (unless called off by -unavoidable business, or to attend Divine 
worship), and to be constantly with your people when there. There is 
no other sure way of getting work well done, and quietly, by negroes ; 
for when an overlooker's back is turned the most of them wUl slight 
their work, or be idle altogether. In which case correction cannot re- 
trieve either, but often produces evils which are worse than the disease. 
Nor is there any other mode than this to prevent thieving and other 
disorders, the consequences of opportunities. You will recollect that 
your time is paid for by me, and if I am deprived of it, it is worse even 
than robbing my purse, because it is also a breach of trust, which every 
honest man ought to hold most sacred. You have found me, and you 



IMPOETANCE OF NEGEO PROPERTY. 359 

will continue to find me, faithful to my part of the agreement which was 
made with you, whilst you are attentive to your part ; but it is to be 
remembered that a breach on one side releases the obligation on the 
other." 

Neither is it right that you should entertain a constant run of com- 
pany at your house, incurring unnecessary expense, taking up your own 
time and that of the servants beyond what is needful for your own com- 
fort — a woman to cook aad wash for you, milk, make butter, and so on. 
More than this you have no claim to. 

Endeavor to take the same interest in every thing upon the place, 
as if it were your own ; indeed, the responsibility in this case is greater 
than if it were all your own — having been intrusted to you by another. 
Unless you feel thus, it is impossible that you can do your employer 
justice. 

The health of the negroes under your chai'ge is an important mat- 
ter. Much of the usual sickness among them is the result of , careless- 
ness and mismanagement. Overwork or unnecessary exposure to rain, 
insufficient clothing, improper or badly-cooked food, and night rambles, 
are all fi-uitful causes of disease. A great majority of the cases you 
should be yourself competent to manage, or you are unfit for the place 
you hold ; but whenever you find that the case is one you do not under- 
stand, send for a physician, if such is the general order of the owner. 
By exerting yourself to have their clothing ready in good season ; to 
arrange profitable in-door employment in wet weather ; to see that an 
abundant supply of wholesome, well-coolced food^ including plenty of 
vegetables, be supplied to them at regular hours; that the sick be 
cheered and encouraged, and some extra comforts allowed them, and 
the convalescent not exposed to the chances of a relapse ; that women, 
whilst nursing, be kept as near to the nursery as possible, but at no time 
allowed to suckle their children when overheated ; that the infant be 
nursed three times during the day, in addition to tlie morning and even- 
ing ; that no whisky be allowed upon the place at any time or under 
any circumstances; but that they have, whilst heated and at work, 
plenty of pure, cool water ; that care be taken to prevent the hands from 
carrying their baskets full of cotton on their head — a most injurious 
practice ; and, in short, that such means be used for their comfort as 
every judicious, humane man will readily think of, you will find the 
amount of sickness gradually lessened. 

Next to the negroes, the stock on the place will require your con- 
stant attention. You can, however, spare yourself much trouble by 
your choice of a stock-minder, and by adopting and enforcing a strict 



360 HOW TO KEEP MULES AND HORSES. 

system in the care of the stock. It is a part of their duty ia which over- 
seers are generally most careless. 

The horse and mule stock are first in importance. Unless the.se 
are kept in good condition, it is impossible that the work can go on 
smoothly, or your crop be properly tended. Put your stable in good order ; 
and, if possible, inclose it so that it can be kept under lock. Place a 
steady, careful old man there as hostler, making him resi)onsible for 
every thing, and that directly to yourself. The foreman of the plow- 
gang, and the hands under his care, should be made answerable to the 
hostler — whose business it is to have the feed cut up, ground, and ready ; 
the stalls well littered and cleaned out at proper intervals ; to attend to 
sick or maimed animals ; to see that the gears are always hung in their 
proper place, kept in good order, and so on. 

It is an easy matter to keep horses or mules fat, with a full and 
open corn-crib and abundance of fodder. But that overseer shows his 
good management who can keep his teams fat at the least expense of 
corn and fodder. The waste of those articles in the South, through 
shameful carelessness and neglect, is immense ; as food for stock, they 
are most expensive articles. Oats, millet, peas (vine and all), broadcast 
corn, Bermuda and crab-grass hay, are all much cheaper and equally 
good. Any one of these crops, fed whilst green — the oats and millet as 
they begin to shoot, the peas to blossom, and the corn when tasseliug — 
with a feed of dry oats, corn, or corn-chop at noon, will keep a plow- 
team in fine order all the season. In England, where they have tho 
finest teams in the world, this course is invariably 2Jursued, for its econ- 
omy. From eight to nine hours per day is as long as the team should 
be at actual work. They will perform more upon less feed, and keep in 
better order for a push when needful, worked briskly in that Avay, than 
when kept dragging a plow all day long at a slow pace. And the 
hands have leisure to rest, to cut up feed, clean and repair gears, and 
60 on. 

Oxen. No more work oxen should be retained than can be kept 
at all times in good order. An abundant supply of green feed during 
spring and summer, cut and fed as recommended above, and in winter 
well-boiled cotton-seed, with a couple of quarts of meal in it per head ; 
turnips, raw or cooked ; corn-cobs soaked twenty-four hours in salt and 
water ; shucks, pea-vines, etc., passed through a cutting-box — any thing 
of the kind, in sliort, is cheaper food for them in winter, and will keep 
them in better order than dry corn and shucks or fodder. 

Indeed, ' the fewer cattle are kept on any place the better, unless 
the range is remarkably good. AVhen young stock of any kind are stinted 



SICK ANIMALS. 361 

of their proper food, and their growth receives a check, they never 
can wholly recover it. Let the calves have a fair share of milk, and also 
as much of the cooked food prepared for the cows and oxen as they 
will eat ; with at times a little dry meal to lick. When cows or oxen 
show symptoms of failing, from age or otherwise, fatten them off at 
once ; and if killed for the use of the place, save the hide carefully — 
rubbing at least two quarts of salt upon it ; then roll up for a day or two, 
when it may be stretched and dried. 

Hogs are generally sadly mismanaged. Too many are kept, and 
kept badly. One good brood sow for every five hands on a place, is 
amply suflBcient — indeed, more pork will be cured from these than from 
a greater number. Provide at least two good grazing lots for them, 
with Bermuda, crab-grass, or clover, which does as well at Washington, 
Miss., as anywhere in the world, with two bushels of ground plaster to 
the acre, sowed over it. Give a steady, trusty hand no other work to 
do but to feed and care for them. With a large set kettle or two, an 
old mule and cart to haul his wood for fuel, cotton-seed, turnips, etc., 
for feed, and leaves for bedding, he can do full justice to one hvmdred 
head, old and young. They will increase and thrive finely, with good 
grazing, and a full mess, twice a day, of swill prepared as follows: 
Sound cotton-seed, with a gallon of corn-meal to the bushel, a quart of 
■oak or hickory ashes, a handful of salt, and a good proportion of turnips 
or green food of any kind, even clover or peas ; the whole thoroughly — 
mind you, thoroughly cooked — then thrown into a large trough, and 
there allowed to lecgme sour hefore 'beingfed. 

Sheep may be under the charge of the stock-minder ; from ten to 
twenty to the hand may be generally kept with advantage. 

Sick animals require close and judicious attention. Too frequently 
they are either left to get well or to die of themselves, or are bled and 
dosed with nauseous mixtures indiscriminately. Study the subject of 
the diseases of animals during your leisure evenings, which you can do 
from some of the many excellent works on the subject. Thinh before you 
act. When your animal has fever, nature would dictate that all stimu- 
lating articles of diet or medicine should be avoided. Bleeding may be 
necessary to reduce the force of the circulation ; purging, to remove irri- 
tating substances from the bowels ; moist, light, and easily-digested food, 
that his weakened digestion may not be oppressed ; cool drinks, to allay 
his thirst, and, to some extent, compensate for diminished secretions ; 
rest and quiet, to prevent undue excitement in his system, and so ou 
through the whole catalogue of diseases — but do nothing without a rea- 
son. Carry out this principle, and you will probably do much good — 



362 HOW TO STUDY ECONOMY. 

hardly great harm; go upon any other, and your measures aro more 
likely to be productive of injury than benefit. 

The implements and tools require a good deal of looking Lfter. By 
keeping a memorandum of the distribution of any set of tools, they will 
be much more likely to be forthcoming at the end of the month. Axes, 
hoes, and other small tools, of which every hand has his own, should 
have his number marked upon it with a steel punch. The strict enforce- 
ment of one single rule will keep every thing straight : " Have a place for 
every thing, and see that every thing is in its place." 

Few instances of good management will better please an employer 
than that of having all of the winter clothing spun and woven on the 
place. By having a room devoted to that purpose, under charge of 
some one of the old women, where those who may be complaining a 
little, or convalescent after sickness, may be employed in some light 
work, and where all of the women may be sent in wet weather, more 
than enough of both cotton and woolen yarn can be spun for the supply 
of the place. 

Of the principal staple crop of the plantation, whether cotton, 
sugar, or rice, we shall not here speak. 

Of the others — the provision crops — there is most commonly enough 
made upon most plantations for their own supply. Barely, however, is 
it saved without great and inexcusable waste, and fed out without still 
greater. And this, to their lasting shame be it said, is too often the case 
to a disgraceful extent, when an overseer feels satisfied that he will not 
remain another year upon the place. His conduct should be the very 
opposite of this — an honorable, riglit-thinking man will feel a particular 
degree of pride in leaving every thing in thorough order, and especially 
an abundant supply of all kinds of feed. He thus Qstablishes a character 
for himself which must have its effect. 

Few plantations are so rich in soil as not to be improved by manure. 
Inform yourself of the best means, suited to the location and soil of the 
place under your charge, of improving it in this and in every other way. 
When an opportunity ofters, carry out these improvements. Eely upon 
it there are few employers who will not see and reward such eftbrts. 
Draining, ditching, circling, hedging, road-making, building, etc., may 
all be effected to a greater or less extent every season. 

During the long evenings of winter improve your own mind and 
the knowledga of your profession by reading and study. The many 
excellent agricultural periodicals and books now published afford good 
and cheap opportunities for this. 

It is indispensable that you exercise judgment and consideration la 



MANAGING NEGROES. 363 

the management of the negroes under your charge. Be firm^ anil, at the 
same time, gentle in your control. Never display yourself before them 
in a passion; and even if inflicting the severest punishment, do so in a 
mild, cool manner, and it will produce a tenfold effect. "When you find 
it necessary to use the whip — and desirable as it would be to dispense 
with it entirely, it is necessary at times — apply it slowly and deliber- 
ately, and to the extent you had determined, in your own mind, to be 
needful before you began. The indiscriminate, constant, and excessive 
use of the whip is altogether unnecessary and inexcusable. When it 
can be done without a too great loss of time, the stocks offer a means 
of punishment greatly to be preferred. So secured, in a lonely, quiet 
place, where no communication can be held with any one, nothing but 
bread and water allowed, and the confinement extending from Saturday, 
when they drop work, until Sabbath evening, will prove much more 
effectual in preventing a repetition of the offense, than any amount of 
whipping. Never threaten a negro, but if you have occasion to punish, 
do it at once, or say nothing until ready to do so. A violent and pas- 
sionate threat will often scare the best-disposed negro to the woods. 
Always keep your word with them, in punishments as well as in rewards. 
If you have named the penalty for any certain offense, inflict it without 
listening to a word of excuse. Never forgive that in one that you would 
punish in another, but treat all alike, showing no favoritism. By pur- 
suing such a course, you convince them that you act from principle and 
not from impulse, and will certainly enforce your rules. "Whenever au 
opportunity is afforded you for rewarding continued good behavior, do 
not let it pass — occasional rewards have a much better effect than fre- 
quent punishments. 

Never be induced by a course of good behavior on the part of the 
negroes to relax the strictness of your discipline ; but, when you have 
by judicious management brought them to that state, keep them so by 
the same means. By taking frequent strolls about the premises, includ- 
ing of course the quarter and stock yards, during the evening, and at 
least twice a week during the night, you will put a more effectual stop 
to any irregularities than by the most severe punishments. The only 
way to keep a negro honest, is not to trust him. This seems a harsh 
assertion ; but it is, unfortunately, too true. 

You will find that an hour devoted, every Sabbath morning, to 
their moral and religious instruction, would prove a great aid to you in 
bringing about a better state of things among the negroes. It has been 
thoroughly tried, and with the most eatisfactory results, in many parts 
of the South. As a mere matter of interest it has proved to be advisa- 



364 THE NEW REGIME. 

ble — to say nothing of it as a point of duty. The effect upon their 
general good behavior, their cleanliness, and good conduct on the 
Sabbath, is siwih as alone to recommend it to both planter and over- 
seer. 

In conclusion : — Bear in mind that a fine crop consists, first, in an 
increase in the number, and a marked improvement in the condition 
and value, of the negroes ; second, an abundance of provision of all sorts 
for man and beast, carefully saved and properly housed; third, both 
summer and winter clothing made at home ; also leather tanned, and 
shoes and harness made, when practicable ; fourth, an improvement in 
the productive qualities of the land, and in the general condition of the 
plantation ; fifth, the team and stock generally, with the farming imple- 
ments and the buildings, in fine order at the close of the year ; and 
young hogs more than enough for next year's killing ; tJien^ as heavy a 
crop of cotton, sugar, or rice as could possibly be made under these 
circumstances, sent to market in good season, and of prime quality. The 
time has passed when the overseer is valued solely upon the number of 
bales of cotton, hogsheads of sugar, or tierces of rice he has made, with- 
out reference to other qualifications. 

In contrast with the instructions to overseers under 
the old management, I present the proclamation of 
General Banks, regulating the system of free labor 
in the Department of the Gulf. These regulations 
were in force, in 1864, along the Mississippi, from 
Helena to New Orleans. They were found admira- 
bly adapted to the necessities of the case; With a 
few changes, they have been continued in operation 
during the present year : — 

Head-Quaeteks Department of the Gulf, ) 
New Orleans, February 3, 1864. ) 

General Orders, No. 23. 

The following general regulations are published for the information 
and government of all interested in the subject of compensated planta- 
tion labor, public or private, during the present year, and in continua- 
tion of the system established January 30, 1SG3 : — 



MODERN REGULATIONS. 365 

I. The enlistment of soldiers from plantations under cultivation in 
this department having been suspended by order of the Government, 
will not be resumed except upon direction of the same, high authority. 

II. The Provost-Marshal-General is instructed to provide for the 
division of parishes into police and school districts, and to organize 
from invalid soldiers a competent police for the preservation of order. 

III. Provision will be made for the establishment of a sufficient 
number of schools, one at least for each of the police and school districts, 
for the instruction of colored children under twelve years of age, which, 
when established, will be placed under the direction of the Superintend- 
ent of Public Education. 

IV. Soldiers will not be allowed to visit plantations without the 
written consent of the commanding officer of the regiment or post to 
which they are attached, and never with arm s, except when on duty, 
accompanied by an officer. 

y. Plantation hands will not be allowed to pass from one place to 
another, except under such regulations as may be established by the 
provost-marshal of the parish. 

VI. Flogging and other cruel or unusual punishments are inter- 
dicted. 

VII. Planters will be required, as early as practicable after the 
publication of these regulations, to make a roll of persons employed 
upon their estates, and to transmit the same to the provost-marshal of 
the parish. In the employment of hands, the unity of families will be 
secured as far as possible. 

VIII. All questions between the employer and the employed, until 
other tribunals are established, will be decided by the provost-marshal 
of the parish. 

IX. Sick and disabled persons will be provided for upon the plantations 
to which they belong, except such as may be received in establishments 
provided for them by the Government, of which one will be established 
at Algiers and one at Baton Rouge. 

X. The unauthorized purchase of clothing, or other property, from 
laborers, will be punished by fine and imprisonment. The sale of whisky 
or other intoxicating drinks to them, or to other persons, except under 
regulations established by the Provost-Marshal-General, will be followed 
by the severest punishment. 

XI. The possession of ilrms, or concealed or dangerous weapons, 
without authority, will be punished by fine and imprisonment. 

XII. Laborers shall render to their employer, between daylight 
and dark, ten hours in summer, and nine hours in winter, of respectful, 



366 LABORERS AND THEIR HIRE. 

honest, faithful labor, and receive therefor, in addition to just treatment, 
healthy rations, comfortable clothing, quarters, fuel, medical attendance, 
and instruction for children, wages per month as follows, payment of 
one-half of which, at least, shall be reserved until the end of the year : — 

For first-class hands $8.00 per month. 

For second-class hands 6.00 " " 

For third-class hands 5.00 " " 

For fourth-class hands 3.00 " " 

Engineers and foremen, when faithful in the discharge of their duties, 
will he paid $2 per month extra. This schedule of wages may be com- 
muted, by consent of both parties, at the rate of one-fourteenth part of 
the net proceeds of the crop, to be determined and paid at the end of 
the year. Wages will be deducted in case of sickness, and rations, also, 
when sickness is feigned. Indolence, insolence, disobedience of orders, 
and crime will be suppressed by forfeiture of pay, and such punishments 
as are provided for similar offenses by Army Regulations. Sunday work 
will be avoided when practicable, but when necessary will be considered 
as extra labor, and paid at the rates specified herein. 

XIII. Laborers will be permitted to choose their employers, but 
when the agreement is made tliey will be held to their engagement for 
one year, under the protection of the Government. In cases of attempted 
imposition, by feigning sickness, cr stubborn refusal of duty, they will 
be turned over to the provost-marshal of the parish, for labor \ipon the 
public works, without pay. 

XIV. Laborers will be permitted to cultivate land on private ac- 
count, as herein specified, as follows : 

First and second class hands, with famihes . . .1 acre each. 
First and second class hands, without famihes . . K " " 

Second and third class hands, T?ith families . . • K " " 
Second and third class hands, without famihes . • 3^ " " 

To be increased for good conduct at the discretion of the employer. The 
encouragement of independent industry will strengthen all the advan- 
tages which capital derives from labor, and enable the laborer to take 
care of himself and prepare for the time when he can render so much 
labor for so much money, which is the great end to be attained. No 
exemption will be made in this apportionmeiit, except upon imperative 
reasons ; and it is desirable that for good conduct the quantity be n- 
creased until faithful hands can be allowed to cultivate extensive tracts, 
returning to the owiifer an equivalent of product for rent of soil. 



OYEESEERS AND EMPLOYERS. 367 

XY. To protect the laborer from possible imposition, no commu- 
tation of his supplies will be allowed, except in clothing, which may bo 
commuted at the rate of $3 per month for first-class hands, and in simi- 
lar proportion for other classes. The crops will stand pledged, wherever 
found, for the wages of labor. 

XVI. It is advised, as far as practicable, that employers provide 
for the current wants of their hands, by perquisites for extra labor, or 
by appropriation of land for share cultivation ; to discourage monthly 
payments so far as it can beilone without discontent, and to reserve till 
the full harvest the yearly wages. 

XVII. A Feee-Labor Bank will be established for the safe deposit 
of all accumulations of wages and other savings ; and jn order to avoid 
a possible wrong to depositors, by official defalcation, authority will bo 
asked to connect the bank with the Treasury of the United States in 
this department. 

XVIII. The transportation of negro families to other countries will 
not be approved. All propositions for this privilege have been declined, 
and application has been made to other d«partmeut3 for surplus negro 
families for service in this department. 

XIX. The last year's experience shows that the planter and the 
negro comprehend the revolution. The overseer, having little interest 
in capital, and less sympathy with labor, dislikes the trouble of think- 
ing, and discredits the notion that any thing new has occurred. He is a 
relic of the past, and adheres to its customs. His stubborn refusal to 
comprehend the condition of things, occasioned most of the embarrass- 
ments of the past year. Where such incomprehension is chronic, re- 
duced wages, diminished rations, and the mild punishments imposed by 
the army and navy, will do good. 

XX. These regulations are based upon the assumption that labor 
is a public duty, and idleness and vagrancy a crime. No civil or mili- 
tary officer of the Government is exempt from the operation of this 
universal rule. Every enlightened community has enforced it upon all 
classes of people by the severest penalties. It is especially necessary in 
agricultural pursuits. That portion of the people identified with the 
cultivation of the soil, however changed in condition by the revolution 
through which we are passing, is not relieved from the necessity of toil, 
which is the condition of existence with all the children of God. The 
revolution has altered its tenure, but not its law. This universal law 
of labor* will be enforced, upon just terms, by the Government under 
whose protection the laborer rests secure in his rights. Indolence, dis- 
order, and crime will be suppressed. Having exercised the highest right 



368 NECESSITY OF LABOR. 

in tile choice and place of employment, lie must be held to the fulfill- 
ment of his engagements, until released therefrom by the Government. 
The several provost-marshals are hereby invested with plenary powers 
upon all matters connected with labor, subject to the approval of the 
Provost-Marshal- General and the commanding officer of the depart- 
ment. The most faithful and discreet ofiicers will be selected for this 
duty, and the largest force consistent with the public service detailed 
for their assistance. 

XXI. Employers, and especially overseers, are notified, that undue 
influence used to move the marshal from his just balance between the 
parties representing labor and capital, will result in immediate change 
of officers, and thus defeat that regular and stable system upon which 
the interests of all parties depend. 

XXII. Successful industry is especially necessary at the present 
time, when large public debts and onerous taxes are imposed to main- 
tain and protect the liberties of the people and the integrity of the 
Union. All officers, civil or military, and aU classes of citizens who as- 
sist in extending the profits of labor, and increasing the product of the 
soil upon which, in the end, all national prosperity and power depends, 
will render to the Government a service as great as that derived from 
the terrible sacrifices of battle. It is upon such consideration only that 
the plante? is entitled to favor. The Government has accorded to him, 
in a period of anarchy, a release from the disorders resulting mainly 
from insensate and mad resistance to sensible reforms, which can never 
be rejected without revolution, and the criminal surrender of his inter- 
ests and power to crazy politicians, who thought by metaphysical ab- 
stractions to circumvent the laws of God. It has restored to him in 
improved, rather than impaired condition, his due privileges, at a mo- 
ment when, by his own acts, the very soil was washed from beneath 
his feet. 

XXIII. A more majestic and wise clemency human history does 
not exhibit. The liberal and just conditions that attend it cannot be 
disregarded. It protects labor by enforcing the performance of its 
duty, and it will assist capital by compelling just contributions to the 
demands of the Government. Those who profess allegiance to other 
Governments will be required, as the condition of residence in this 
State, to acquiesce, without reservation, in the demands presented by 
Government as a basis of permanent peace. The non-cultivation of the 
soil, without just reason, will be followed by temporary forfeiture to 
those who will secure its improvement. Those who have exercised or 
are entitled to the rights of citizens of the United States, will be re- 



CONDITIONS OF AMNESTY. 369 

quired to participate in the measure's necessary for the re-estahlish'ment 
of civil government. "War can never cease except as civil governments 
crush out contest, and secure the supremacy t)f moral over physical 
power. The yellow harvest must wave over the crimson field of blood, 
and the. representatives of the people displace the agents of purely mili- 
tary power. 

XXIV. The amnesty offered for the past is conditioned upon an 
unreserved loyalty for the future, and this condition will be enforced 
with an iron hand. Whoever is indifferent or hostile, must choose be- 
tween the liberty which foreign lands afford, the poverty of the Rebel 
States, and the innunlerable and inappreciable blessings which our Gov- 
ernment confers upon its people. 

May God preserve the Union of the States! 

By order of Major-General Banks. 
Ofiicial : 

George B. Drake, Assistant Adjutant- General. 

The two documents have little similaritj. Both are 
appropriate to the systems they are intended to regulate. 
It is interesting to compare their merits at the present 
time. It Avill be doubly interesting to make a similar 
comparison twenty years hence. 

While I was in N'atcheZj a resident of that city called 
my attention to one of the "sad results of this horrid, 
Yankee war." 

"Do you see that young man crossing the street 
toward 's store ?" 

I looked in the direction indicated, and observed a 
person whom I supposed to be twenty-five years of age, 
and whose face bore the marks of dissipation, I signi- 
fied, by a single word, that I saw the individual in 
question. 

" His is a sad case," my Southern friend remarked. 

"Whisky, isn't it 1" 

24 



370 A HAED CASE. 

"Oil, no, I don't mean that. He does drink some, I 
know, but ^yllat I ^mean is this : His father died about 
five years ago. He left his son nothing but fourteen or 
fifteen niggers. They were all smart, young hands, and 
he has been able to hire them out, so as to bring a yearly 
income of two thousand dollars. This .has supported 
him very comfortably. This income stopped a year ago. 
The niggers have all run away, and that young man is 
now iDenniless, and without any means of support. It 
is one of the results of your infernal Abolition war." 

I assented that it was a very hard case, and ought to 
be brought before Congress at the earliest moment. 
That a promising young man should be deprived of the 
means of support in consequence of this Abolition war, 
is unfortunate — for the man. 



IN THE MIDST OF LABOE. 371 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

OUR FREE-LABOR ENTERPRISE IN PROGRESS. 

The Negroes at Work.— DiflBculties in the "Way. — A Public Meeting. — 
A Speech. — A Negro's Idea of Freedom. — A Difficult Question to 
Determine. — Influence of Northern and Southern Men Contrasted. — 
An Increase of Numbers. — "Ginning" Cotton. — In the Lint-Room. 
— Mills and Machinery of a Plantation. — A Profitable Enterprise. 

On" each of the plantations the negroes were at work 
in the cotton-field. I rode from one to the other, as cir- 
cumstances made it necessary, and observed the progress 
that was made. I conld easily perceive they had "been 
accustomed to performing their labor under fear of the 
lash. Some of them took advantage of the opportunity v/ 
for carelessness and loitering under the new arrange- 
ment. I could not be in the field at all times, to give 
them my personal supervision. Even if I were con- 
stantly present, there was now no lash to be feared. I 
saw that an explanation of the new state of affairs would 
be an advantage to all concerned. On the first Sunday 
of my stay on the plantation, I called all the negroes to- 
gether, in order to give them an understanding of their 
position. 

I made a speech that I adapted as nearly as possible 
to the comprehension of my hearers. My audience was 
attentive throughout. I made no allusions to Homer, 



372 A CONSULTATION. 

Dante, or Milton ; I did not quote from Giblbon or Ma- 
caulay, and I neglected to call tlieir attention to the spec- 
tacle tliey were presenting to tlie crowned heads of Eu- 
rope. I explained to them the change the war had made 
in their condition, and the way in which it had been ef- 
fected. I told them that all cruel modes of punishment 
had Ibeen abolished. The negroes were free, but they 
must understand that freedom did not imply idleness. I 
read to them the regulations established by the commis- 
sioners, and explained each point as clearly as I was 
able. After I had concluded, I offered to answer any 
questions they might ask. 

There were many who could not understand why, if 
they were free, they should be restricted from going 
where they pleased at all times. I explained that it was 
nepessary, for the successful management of the planta- 
tion, that I should always be able to rely upon them. I 
asked them to imagine my ]Dredicament if they should 
lose half their time, or go away altogether, in the busiest 
part of the season. They " saw the point" at once, and 
readily acknowledged the necessity of subordination. 

I found no one who imagined that his freedom con- 
ferred the right of idleness and vagrancy. All ex]3ected 
to labor in tlieir new condition, but they expected com- 
pensation for their labor, and did not look for punish- 
ment. They expected, further, that their families would 
notice separated, and that they could be allowed to ac- 
quire property for themselves. I know there were many 
negroes in the South who expected they would neither 
toil nor spin after being set free, but the belief was by no 



EXTRAVAGANT IDEAS. 373 

means universal. Tlie story of the negro at Vicksbui-g, 
who expected his race to\assemble in New York after the 
war, "and have white men for niggers," is doubtless 
true, but it would find little credence with the great ma- 
jority of the freedmen of the South. 

The schedule of wages, as established by the com- 
missioners, was read and explained. The negroes were 
to be furnished with house-rent, rations, fuel, and medi- 
cal attendance, free of charge. Able-bodied males were 
to receive eight dollars a month. Other classes of la- 
borers would be paid according to the proportionate 
value of tlieir services. We were required to keep on 
hand a supply of clothing, shoes, and other needed art!-/ 
cles, which would be issued as required and charged on 
account. All balances would be paid as soon as the first 
installment of the cotton crop was sent to market. 

This was generally satisfactory, though some of the 
negroes desired weekly or monthly payments. One of 
them thought it would be better if they could be paid at 
the end of each day, and suggested that silver would be 
preferable to greenba«ks or Confederate money. Most 
of them thought the wages good enough, but this belief 
was not universal. One man, seventy years old, who 
acted as assistant to the "hog-minder," thought he 
deserved twenty-five dollars per month, in addition to 
his clothing and rations. Another, of the same age, 
who carried the brealdast and dinner to the field, was \ 
of similar opinion. These were almost the only excep- 
tions. Those whose services were really valuable ac- 
quiesced in the arrangement. 



374 A SERIES OF LEADING QUESTION'S. 

On our plantation there was an old negress named 
"Eose," who attended the women during confinement. 
She was somewhat celebrated in her profession, and 
received occasional calls to visit white ladies in the 
neisrhborhood. After I had dismissed the negroes and 
sent them to their quarters, I was called upon by Rose, 
to ascertain the rate at which she would be paid. As 
she was regularly employed as one of the house-serv- 
ants, I allowed her the same wages that the other 
women received. This was satisfactory, so far, but it 
was not entirely so. She wished to understand the mat- 
ter of perquisites. 

" When I used to go out to 'tend upon white ladies," 
said Rose, "they gave me ten dollars. Mistress always 
took half and let me keep the other half." 

"Well, hereafter, you may keep the ten dollars 
yourself." 

"Thank you." 

After a pause, she spoke again : 

"Didn't you say the black people are free ?" 

"Yes." 

"White people are free, too, ain't they?" 

"Yes." 

"Then why shouldn't you pay me ten dollars every 
time I 'tend upon the black folks on the ]plantation ?" 

The question was evidently designed as a "corner." 
I evaded it by assuring Rose that though free, the ne- 
groes had not attained all the privileges that pertained 
to the whites, and I should insist on her professional 
services being free to all on the plantation. 



THE NEGRO'S DISTRUST OF SOUTHERNERS. 375 

The negroes were frequently desirous of imitating tlie 
customs of wliite people in a manner that sh*ould evince 
their freedom. Especially did they desire to have no 
distinction in the payment of money, on account of the 
color of the recipient. 

After this Sunday talk with the negroes, I found a 
material improvement. Occasionally I overheard some 
of them explaining to others their views upon various 
points. There were several who manifested a natural 
indolence, and found it difficult to get over their old 
habits. These received admonitions from their com- 
rades, but could 'not wlioUy forget the laziness which 
was their inheritance. With these exceptions, there 
was no immediate cause for complaint. 

During the earlier part of my stay in that region, I 
was surprised at the readiness with which the negroes 
obeyed men from the North, and believfed they would 
fulfill their promises, while they looked with distrust on 
all Southern white men. Many owners endeavored in 
vain to induce their negroes to perform certain labor. 
The first request made by a Northern man to the same 
effect would be instantly complied with. The negroes 
explained that their masters had been in the habit of 
making promises which they never kept, and cited 
numerous instances to prove the truth of their assertion. • 
It seemed to have been a custom in that region to de- 
ceive the negroes in any practicable manner. To make 
a promise to a negro, and fail to keep it, was no worse 
than to lure a horse into a stable-yard, by offering him a 
choice feed of com, which would prove but a single 



y 



376 INCREASING TEE WORKING FORCE. 

moiitliful. That the negroes had any human rights was 
apparently rarely suspected by their owners and over- 
seers. The distrust which many of the negroes enter- 
tained for their former masters enabled the lessees to 
gain, at once, the confidence of their laborers. I regret 
to say that this confidence was abused in a majority of 
cases. 

I gave the negroes a larger ration of meat, meal, and 
potatoes than had been previously issued. As soon as 
possible, I procured a quantity of molasses, coffee, and 
tobacco. These articles had not been seen on the plan- 
tation for many months, and were mo^ gladly received. 
As there was no market in that vicinity where surplus 
provisions could be sold, I had no fear that the negroes 
would resort to stealing, especially as their daily supply 
was amply sufficient for their support. It was the com- 
plaint of many overseers and owners that the negroes 
would steal provisions on frequent occasions. If they 
committed any thefts during my time of management, 
they were made so carefully that I never detected them. 
It is proper to say that I followed the old custom of 
locking the store-houses at all times. 

Very soon after commencing labor I found that our 
working force must be increased. Accordingly, I em- 
ployed some of the negroes who were escaping from the 
interior of the State and making their way to Natchez. 
As there Avere but few mules on the plantation, I was 
particularly careful to employ those negroes who were 
riding, rather than walking, from slavery. If I could 
not induce these mounted travelers to stop with us, I 



GINNING OOtTON. 377 

generally persuaded them to sell their saddle animals. 
Thns, luring negroes and bnying mules, I gradually put 
the plantation in a presentable condition. While the 
cotton was being picked the blacksmith was repairing 
the plows, the harness-maker was fitting up the har- 
nesses for the mules, and every thing was progressing 
satisfactorily. The gin-house was cleaned and made 
ready for the last work of preparing cotton for the 
market. Mr. Colburn arrived from the ISTorth after I 
had been a planter of only ten days' standing. He was 
enthusiastic at the prospect, and manifested an energy 
that was the envy 'of his neighbors. 

It required about three weeks to pick our cotton. 
Before it was all gathered we commenced "ginning" 
the quantity on hand, in order to make as little delay 
as possible in shipping our " crop" to market. 

The process of ginning cotton is pretty to look 
upon, though not agreeable to engage. in. The seed- 
cotton (as the article is called when it comes from 
the field) is fed in a sort of hopper, where it is 
brought in contact with a series of small and very 
sharp saws. From sixty to a hundred of these saws 
are set on a shaft, about half an inch apart. The 
teeth of these saws tear the fiber from the seed, but 
do not catch the seed itself. A brush which revolves 
against the saws removes the fiber from them at 
every revolution. The position of the gin is gen- 
erally at the end of a large room, and into this room 
the detached fiber is thrown from the revolving 
brush. 



378 THlT LINT-ROOM. 

This apartment is teclmically known as the ''lint- 
room," and presents an interesting scene while -the 
process of ginning is going on. The air is full of 
the flying lint, and forcibly reminds a Northerner 
of a New England snow-storm. The lint falls, like 
the snow-flakes, with most wonderful lightness, hut, 
unlike the snow-flakes, it does not melt. When the 
cotton is picked late in the season, there is usually 
a dense cloud of dust in the lint-room, which settles 
in and among the fiber. The person who Thatches 
the lint-room has a position far from enviable. His 
lungs become filled with dust, and, very often, the 
fine, floating fiber is drawn into his nostrils. Two 
persons are generally permitted to divide this labor. 
There were none of the men on our plantation who 
craved it. Some of the mischievous boys would 
watch their opportunity to steal into the lint-room, 
where they greatly enjoyed rolling upon the soft 
/cotton. Their amusement was only stopped by the 
use of a small whip. 

The machinery of a cotton-gin is driven by steam 
or horse power; generally the former. There is no 
water-power in the State of Louisiana, but I believe 
some of the lakes and bayous might be turned to 
advantage in the same Avaythat the tide is used on 
the sea-coast. 

All the larger plantations are provided with steam- 
engines, the chimneys of which are usually carried 
to a height sufficient to remove all danger from 
sparks. There is always a corn-mill, and frequently 



A SELF-SUSTAINING ENTEEPEISE. • 379 

a saw-mill attaclied to the gin, and driven Iby the 
same power. On every plantation, one day in the 
week is set apart for grinding a seven-days' supply 
of corn. This regulation is never varied, except 
under the most extraordinary circumstances. There 
is a universal rule in Louisiana, forbidding any per- 
son, white or black, smoking in the inclosure where 
the gin-house stands. I was told there was a legal 
enactment to this effect, that affixed heavy penalties 
to its infringement. For tlie truth of this latter state- 
ment I cannot vouch. 

With its own corn-mill, saw-mill, and smithery, each 
plantation is almost independent of the neighborhood 
around it. The chief deiDendence upon the outside 
world is for farming tools and the necessary parapher- 
nalia for the various branches of field-work. I knew 
one plantation, a short distance from ours, whose owner 
had striven hard to make it self-sustaining. He raised 
all the corn and all the vegetables needed. He kept an 
immense drove of hogs, and cured his own pork. Of 
cattle he had a goodly quantity, and his sheep numbered 
neaxly three hundred. Wool and cotton supplied the 
raw material for clothing. Spinning-wheels and looms 
produced cloth in excess of what was needed. Even 
the thread for making the -clothing for the negroes was 
spun on the i)lantation. Hats were made of the palmetto, 
which grew there in abundance. Shoes were the only 
articles of personal wear not of home production. Plows, 
hoes, and similar implements were purchased in the 
market, but the plantation was provided with a very 



380 A HANDSOME PROFIT. 

complete repair-sliop, and the workmen were famous for 
tlieir skill. 

Tlie plantation, tliiis managed, yielded a handsome 
profit to its owner. The value of each year's cotton 
crop, when delivered on the bank of the river, was not 
less than forty thousand dollars. Including wages of 
the overseer, and all outlays for repairs and purchase 
of such articles as were not produced at home, the ex- 
penses would not exceed five or six thousand dollars. 
Cotton-planting was very profitable under almost any 
management, and especially so under a prudent and 
economical owner. Being thus profitable with slave 
labor, it was natural for tlie planters to think it could 
prosper under no other system. ''You can't raise 
cotton without niggers, and you must own the niggers 
to raise it," was the declaration in all parts of the South. 



SEEKING OFFICIAL FAVOR. 381 



CHAPTER XXXYI. 

"WAR AND AGRICTJLTURE. 

Official Favors.^— Division of Labor. — Moral Suasion. — Corn-gatliering 
in tlie South. — An Alarm. — A Frightened Irishman. — The Eehela 
Approaching. — An Attack on "Waterproof. — Falstaff Redivivus. — 
His Feats of Arras. — Departure for New Orleans. 

Our cotton having "been ginned and baled, we made 
preparations for shipping it to . market. These prepara- 
tions included the procurement of a perfnit from the 
Treasury agent at ISTatchez, a task of no small magnitude. 
An application for the permit required, in addition to 
my own signature, the names of two property-owning 
citizens, as security for payment of the duties on the 
cotton. This application being placed in the hands of 
the Treasury agent, I was requested to call in two hours. 
I did so, and was then put off two hours longer. Thus 
I spent two whole days in frequent visits to that official. 
His memory was most defective, as I was obliged to in- 
troduce myself on each occasion, and tell him the object 
of my call. 

A gentleman who had free access to the agent at all'] 
times hinted that he could secure early attention to my 
business on payment for his trouble. Many persons 
asserted that they were obliged to pay handsomely for 
official favors. I do not hnow this to be true. I never 



382 . GATHERING CORN". 

; paid any thing to the Treasury agent at N'atchez or else- 
where, beyond the legitimate fees, and I never found 
any man who would give me a written statement that he 
had done so. Nevertheless, I had much circumstantial 
/ evidence to convince me that the Treasury officials were 
guilty of dishonorable actions. The temptation was 
great, and, with proper care, the chances of detection 
were small. 

Armed with my permit^ I returned to the plantation. 
Mr. Colburn, in my absence, had organized our force, 
lately engaged in cotton-picking, into suitable parties 
for gathering corn, of which we had some three hundred 
acres standing in the field. In 'New England I fear that 
corn which had remained ungathered until the middle 
of February, would be of comparatively little value. 
In our case it was apparently as sound as when first 
ripened. 

Corn-gathering in the South differs materially from 
corn-gathering in the JSTorth. The negroes go through 
the field breaking the ears from the stalks without re- 
moving the husk. The ears are thrown into heaps at 
convenient distances from each other, and in regular 
rows. A wagon is driven between these rows, and the 
corn gathered for the crib. StiU unhusked, it is placed 
in the crib, to be removed when needed. It is claimed 
that the husk thus remaining on the corn, protects it from 
various insects, and from the efiect of the weather. 

Every body of laborers on a plantation is called a 
"gang." Thus we had " the picking-gang," " the corn- 
gang," "the trash-gang," "the hoe-gang," "the plant- 



YAKIED DUTIES. 383 

ing-gang," " the plow- gang," and so on through the list. 
Each gang goes to the field in charge of a head negro, 
known as the driver. This driver is responsible for the 
work of his gang, and, under the old regime^ was 
empowered to enforce his orders with the whip, if neces- 
sary. Under our new dispensation the whip was laid 
aside, and a milder policy took its place. It was satisfac- 
tory with the adults ; hut there were occasions when the 
smaller hoys were materially benefited by applications 
of hickory shrubs. Solomon' s words about sparing the 
rod are applicable to children of one race as well as to 
those of another. We did not allow our drivers to 
make any bodily punishment in the field, and I am 
happy to say they showed no desire to do so. 

As I have before stated, our first organization was 
the picking-gang. Then followed the gin-gang and 
the press-gang. Our gin-gang was organized on princi- 
ples of total abstinence, and, therefore, difiered materi- 
ally from the gin-gangs of Northern cities. Our press- 
gang, unlike the press-gangs of iN'ew York or Chicago, 
had nothing to do with morning publications, and would 
have failed to comprehend us had we ordered the prepa. 
ration of a sensation leader, or a report of the last great 
meeting at Union Square. Our press-gang devoted its 
time and energies to putting our cotton into bales of the 
proper size and neatness. 

The corn-gang, the trash-gang, and the plow-gang 
were successively organized by Mr, Colburn. Of the 
first I have spoken. The duties of the second were to 
gather the corn-stalks or cotton- stalks, as the case might 



384 THE EEBELS APPEO ACHING. 

be, into proper heaps for burning. As all this debris 
came under the generic name of "trash," the appellation 
of the gang is readily understood. Our trash-gang did 
very well, except in a certain instance, when it allowed 
the fire from the trash to run across a field of dead grass, 
and destroy several hundred feet of fence. In justice to 
the negroes, I should admit that the filing of the grass 
was in obedience to our orders, and the destruction of 
the fence partly due to a strong wind which suddenly 
sprang up. The trash-gang is usually composed of the 
younger children and the older women. The former 
gather and pile the stalks which the latter cut up. 
They particularly enjoy firing the heaps of dry trash. 

It was on Saturday, the 13th of February, that our 
press-gang completed its labors. On the afternoon of 
that day, as we were hauling our cotton to the landing, 
the garrison at Waterproof, two miles distant, suddenly 
opened with its artillery upon a real or supposed enemy. 
A gun-boat joined in the affair, and for half an hour the 
cannonade was vigorous. We could see. the flashes of 
the guns and the dense smoke rising through the trees, 
but could discover nothing more. When the firing 
ceased we were somewhat anxious to know the result, 
Yery soon a white man, an Irishman, who had been a 
short time in the vicinity to purchase cotton, reached 
our place in a state of exhaustion. He told a frightful 
story of the surprise and massacre of the whole garrison, 
and was very certain no one but himself had escaped. 
He had fortunately concealed himself under a very small 
bridge while the fight was going on. He called atten- 



A BATTLE. 385 

tion to Ms clotlies, wMcli were covered with mud, to 
prove the truth of his statement. 

For a short time the situation had an unpleasant ap- 
pearance. While we were deliberating upon the proper 
measures for safety, one of our negroes, who was in 
Waterproof during the firing, came to us with Ms story. 
The fight had been on our side, some guerrillas having 
chased one of our scouting parties to a point within range 
of our guns. Our men shelled them with artillery, 
and this was the extent of the battle. The story of the 
Irishman, in connection with the true account of the af- 
fair, forcibly reminded me of the famous battle of Pike- 
ton, Kentucky, in the first year of the war. 

On the next day (Sunday) I rode to Waterproof, 
leaving Colburn on the plantation. Just as I arrived 
within the lines, I ascertained that an attack was ex- 
pected. The most stringent orders had been issued 
against allowing any person to pass out. Ten minutes 
later a scout . arrived, saying that a force of Rebels was 
advancing to attack the post. The gun-boat commenced 
shelling the woods in the rear of Waterproof, and the 
artillery on land joined in the work. The Rebels did 
not get near enough to make any serious demonstration 
upon the town. The day passed with a steady firing 
from the gun-boat, relieved by an occasional interval of 
silence. Toward night the small garrison was re-enforced 
by the arrival of a regiment from Natchez. On the fol- 
lowing day a portion of General EUet' s Marine Brigade 
reached Waterproof, and removed all possibility of 
further attack. 

25 



386 FALSI AFF EEDIVIYUS. 

In tlie garrison of Waterproof, at the commencement 
of this fight, there was a certain officer who could have 
sat for the portrait of Falstaff with very little stuffing, 
and without great change of character. Early in the 
war he belonged to an Eastern regiment, hut on that oc- 
casion he had no commission, though this fact was not 
generally known. ISTearly as large as Hackett's Fal- 
staff, he was as much a gascon as the hero of the Merry 
Wives of Windsor. He differed from Falstaff in pos- 
sessing a goodly amount of bravery, but this bravery 
was accompanied with an entire absence of judgment. 

In the early part of the fight, and until he was too 
drunk to move, thispreux clievaller dashed about Water- 
proof, mounted on a small horse, which he urged to the 
top of his speed. In one hand he flourished a cane, and 
in the other a revolver. He usually allowed the reins 
to lie on his horse's neck, except when he wished to 
change his direction. With his abdomen protruding 
over the pommel of the saddle, his stirrups several 
inches too short, one boot-leg outside his pantaloons 
and the other inside, a very large hat pressed nearly to 
his eyes, and la face flushed with excitement and whisky, 
he was a study John Leech would have prized. Fre- 
quent and copious draughts of the cup which cheers 
and inebriates placed him liors de comhat before the 
close of the day. 

From the crest of the levee, he could at any time 
discover several lines of battle approaching the town. 
Frequently he informed the commandant that the Rebels 
were about to open upon us with a dozen heavy bat- 



IMAGIITARY EXPLOITS. 337 

teries, wMch they were planting in position for a long 
siege. If the enemy had been in the force that this mal 
claimed, they could not have numbered less than fifty 
thousand. When unhorsed for the last time during the 
day, he insisted that I should listen to the story of his 
exploits. ' 

"I went," said he, ''to the colonel, this morning, and 
told him, sir, to give me ten men, and I would go out 
and feel the enemy's position. He gave me the men, 
and I went. We found the enemy not less than a thou- 
sand strong, sir, behind Mrs. Miller's gin-house. They 
were the advance of the whole Eebel army, sir, and I 
saw they must be driven back. We charged, and, after 
a desperate fight, drove them. They opposed us, sir, 
every inch of the way for two miles ; but we routed 
them. We must have killed at least a hundred of them, 
sir, and wounded as many more. They didn't hurt i 
man of us ; but the bullets flew very thick, sir— very. 
I myself killed twelve of them with my own hand, sii'.' 
This is the way it was, sir. This revolver, you see,' sir, 
has six barrels. I emptied it once, sir ; I reloaded ; I 
emptied it again, sir. Two times six are twelve, sir. ' I 
kiUed twelve of them with my own hand. Let it be 
recorded. 

'' On my way back, sir, I set fire to the gin-house, so 
that it should no more be a shelter for those infernal 
Eebels. You yourself, sir, saw that building in flames, 
and can testify to the truth of my story." 

In this strain the warrior gave the history of his mo- 
ments of glory. The portion I have written was true in 



388 RETUKNING TO THE PLANTATION. 

some points. He found three men (instead of a thou- 
sand), and pursued them a few hundred yards. He 
discharged his revolver at very long range, but I could 
not learn that his shots were returned. He tired the gin- 
house "to cover his retreat," and gained the fortifica- 
tions without loss. I do not know his locality at the 
present time, but presume he remained, up to the close 
of the war, where storms of shot and shell continually 
darkened tlie air, and- where lines of battle were seen on 
every side. 

The siege being raised, I retui*ned to the plantation. 
From Waterproof, during the fight, I could see our 
buildings with perfect distinctness. I had" much fear 
that some Rebel scouting party might pay the planta- 
tion a visit while the attack was going on. I found, on 
my return, that Colburn had taken the matter very 
coolly, and prevented the negroes becoming alarmed. 
He declared that he considered the plantation as safe as 
Waterproof, and would not have exchanged places with 
me during the fight. The negroes were perfectly quiet, 
and making preparations for j)loWing. While the fight 
was in progress, my associatetwas consulting with the 
drivers about the details of work for the ensuing week, 
and giving his orders with the utmost sa77(/ froid. In 
consideration of the uncertainty of battles in general, 
and the possibility of a visit at any moment from a party 
of Rebel scouts, my partner's conduct was worthy of 
the highest commendation. 

Before leaving Waterproof I had arranged for a 
steamer to call for our cotton, which was lying on the 



OFF FOR NEW ORLEANS. ' 389 

river bank. Waterproof lay at one side of the neck of 
a peninsula, and our plantation was at the other side. 
It was two miles across this peninsula, and sixteen miles 
around it, so that I could start on horseback, and, by 
riding very leisurely, reach the other side long in ad- 
vance of a steamboat. The steamer came in due time. 
After putting our cotton on board, I bade Mr. Colburn 
farewell, and left him to the cares and perplexities of a 
planter' s life. I was destined for New Orleans, to sell 
our cotton, and to purchase many things needed for the 
prosecution of our enterprise. 

On my way down the river, I found that steamboat 
traveling was not an entirely safe amusement. The 
boat that preceded me was fired upon near Morganzia, 
and narrowly escaped destruction. A shell indented 
her steam-pipe, and passed among the machinery, with- 
out doing any damage. Had the pipe been cut, the 
steam would have filled every part of the boat. 

I was not disturbed by artillery on the occasion of my 
journey, but received a compliment from small-arms. 
On the morning after leaving ISTatchez, I was awakened 
by a volley of musketry from the river-bank. One of the 
bullets penetrated the thin walls of the cabin and en- 
tered my state-room, within two inches of my head. I 
preserved the missile as a souvenir of travel. • 

On the next day the Rebels brought a battery of 
artillery to the spot. A steamer received its greeting, 
but escaped with a single passenger wounded. 

A gentleman who was on this boat had a very nar- 
row escape. He told me that he was awakened by the 



390 TEAYELIN-G AMID DANGERS. 

first sliot, -wMcli passed througli the upper works of tlie 
steamer. He was occupying the uj)per berth in a state- 
room on the side next tlie locality of the Rebels. His 
first impulse was to spring from his resting-place, and 
throw himself at full length upon the floor. He had 
hardly done so, when a shell entered the state-room, 
and traversed the berth in the exact position where my 
friend had been lying. 

Having narrowly escaped death, he concluded not to 
run a second risk. He returned to St. Louis by way of 
New York, Wishing to visit New Orleans some time 
later, he sailed from New York on the Electric SparJc, 
and enjoyed the luxury of a capture by the pirates of 
the "Confederate" steamev Florida. After that occur- 
rence, he concluded there was little choice between the 
ocean and river routes. 



PECULIARITIES OF NEW ORLEANS. 391 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

IN THE COTTON MAEKET, 

Few Orleans and its Peculiarities. — Its Loss by the Rebellion. — Cotton 
Factors in New Orleans, — Old Things passed away. — The Northern 
Barbarians a Race of Shopkeepers. — Pulsations of the Cotton Mar- 
ket. — A Quarrel with a Lady. — Contending for a Principle. — Inhar- 
mony of the "Regulations." — An Account of Sales. 

The first impression tliat New Orleans gives a 
stranger is its unlikeness to Northern cities. It is 
built on ground that slopes downward from the Mis- 
sissippi. As one leaves the river and walks toward the 
center of the city, he finds himself descending. New 
Orleans is a hundred miles from the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi and only six miles from Lake Pontchartrain, which 
is an arm of the sea. The river at the city is ten feet 
above Lake Pontchartrain, so that New Orleans is 
washed by water from the Mississippi and drained into 
the lake. The water in the gutters always runs from the 
river, no matter what may be its height. The steamers 
at the foot of Canal Street appear above the spectator, 
when he stands a mile or two from the landing. 

There is no earthy elevation of any kind, except of 
artificial construction, in the' vicinity of New Orleans. 
The level surface of the streets renders the transporta- 
tion of heavy bodies a work of the utmost ease. The 



392 A BEAUTIFUL STKEET. 

greatest amount of mercliandise tliat can 1be loaded upon 
four wheels rarely requires the efforts of more than two 
animals. The street-cars, unlike those of Northern cities, 
are drawn 'by a single mule to each car, and have no 
conductors. The cemeteries are alDove ground, and re- 
semble the pigeon-holes of a post-office, magnified to a 
sufficient size for the recei:)tion of coffins. There is not 
a cellar in the entire city of New Orleans. 

Musquitos flourish during the entire winter. In the 
summer there are two varieties of these insects. The 
night-musquito is similar to the insect which disturbs 
our slumbers in Northern latitudes. The day-musquito 
relieves his comrade at sunrise and remains on duty till 
sunset. He has no song, but his bite is none the less 
severe. He disappears at the approach of winter, but 
his tuneful brother remains. Musquito nettings are a 
necessity all the year round. 

The public walks of New Orleans are justly the pride 
of the inhabitants. Canal Street is probably the pret- 
tiest street in America. Along its center is a double row 
of shade-trees, a promenade, and the tracks of the street 
railway. These shade-trees are inclosed so as to form a 
series of small parks for the entire length of the street. 
On each side of these parks is a carriage-way, as wide as 
the great thoroughfare of New York. Canal Street is 
the fashionable promenade of New Orleans. In the 
days of glory, before the Rebellion, it presented a mag- 
nificent appearance. 

Among the prettiest of the parks of New Orleans is 
Jackson Square, containing a fine equestrian statue of 



THE FEENCH ELERIENT IN NEW ORLEANS. 393 

General Jackson. The pedestal of the statue is embla- 
zoned with the words : 

"The Union — It Must and Shall be Peeseeved." 

The French element in iN'ew Orleans is apparent on 
every side. The auctioneers cry their wares in mingled 
French and English, and the negroes and white laborers 
on the levee converse in a hybrid language. In the 
French quarter, every thing is French. The signs on 
the shops and the street corners, the conversation of the 
inhabitants and the shouts of the boys who play on the 
sidewalks, are in the vernacular of La Belle France. 
In Jackson Square, notices to warn visitors not to dis- 
turb the shrubbery, are posted in two languages, the 
French being first. On one jDOster I saw the sentence : 
"iVe touclie pas d les jleurs^'* followed by the literal 
translation into English : " Don't touch to the flowers." 
I was happy to observe that the caution was very gen- 
erally heeded. 

Before the war, ITew Orleans was a city of wonderful 
wealth. Situated at the outlet of the great valley, its 
trade in cotton, sugar, and other products of the West 
and South, was immense. Boats, which had descended 
from all points along the navigable portion of the Missis- 
sippi, discharged their cargoes upon its levee. Ships of 
all nations were at the wharves, receiving the rich freight 
that the steamers had brought down. The piles of mer- 
chandise that lay along the levee were unequaled in any 
other city of the globe. Money was abundant, and was 
lavishly scattered in all directions.. 



394 TEADE m THE HANDS OF NORTHERN MEK 

With tlie secession of tlie Gulf States, the opening of 
hostilities, and the hlockade of the Mississippi at ita 
mouth and at Cairo, the prosperity of New Orleans dis- 
appeared. The steamers ceased to bring cotton and su- 
gar to its wharves, and its levee presented a picture of 
inactivity. Many of the wealthy found themselves in 
straitened circumstances, and many of the poor suffered 
and died for want^of food. For a whole year, while the 
Eehel flag floated over the city, the "business of New 
Orleans was utterly suspended. 

With the passage of the forts and the capture of New 
Orleans by Admiral Farragut, the Eebel rule was ended. 
Very slowly the business of the city revived, but in 
its revival it fell into the hands of Northern men, whc 
had accompanied our armies in their advance. The old 
merchants found themselves crowded aside by the ubiq- 
uitous Yankees. With the end'of the war, the glory of 
the city will soon return, but it will not return to its old 
channels. More tlian any other city of the South, New 
Orleans will be controlled by men of Northern birth 
and sentiments. The day of slave-auctions in the ro- 
tunda of the St. Charles has passed away forever. 

New Orleans has a class of men peculiar to the 
South, whose business it is to sell cotton for the planters. 
These gentlemen are known as "factors," and, in former 
times, were numerous and successful. Whatever a 
planter needed, from a quire of paper to a steam-engine, 
he ordered his factor to purchase and forward. The 
factor obeyed the order and charged the amount to the 
planter, adding two and a half per cent, for commission. 



COTTON FAOTOES. 395 

If the planter 'wanted money, he drew upon the factor, 
and that individual honored the draft. At the end of 
the season, it often occurred that the planter was largely 
in debt to the factor. But the cotton crop, when gath- 
ered, being consigned to the factor, canceled this in- 
debtedness, and generally left a balance in the planter's 
favor. 

The factor charged a good commission for selling the 
cotton, and sometimes required interest upon tlie money 
he advanced. In the happy days before the war, the 
factor's business was highly lucrative. The advances 
to the planters, before the maturity of the cotton crop, 
often required a heavy capital, but the risk was not 
great. IN'early every planter was considerably indebted 
to his factor before his cotton went forward. In many 
cases the proceeds of the entire crop would but little 
more than cover the advances which had been made. 

In 'New Orleans nearly all cotton is sold "by sam- 
ple." Certain men are licensed to "sample" cotton, for 
which they charge a specified sum per bale. A hole is 
cut in the covering of each bale, and from this hole a 
handful of cotton is pulled. Every bale is thus "sam- 
pled," without regard to the size of the lot. The 
samples are taken to the sales-room of the commission 
house, where they are open to the inspection of buyers. 
The quality of the cotton is carefully noted, the length 
of the fiber or staple, the whiteness of the sample, and 
its freedom from dust or fragments of cotton-stalks. 
Not one bale in twenty is ever seen by the buyers until 
after its purchase. Frequently the buyers transfer their 



396 THE OLD AND THE KEW. 

cotton to other parties without once looking upon it. 
Sometimes cotton is sold at auction instead of Toeing 
offered at private sale, l3ut the process of "sampling" 
is carried out in either case. 

In '63 and '64, New Orleans could l)oast of more cot- 
ton factors than cotton. The principal business was in 
the hands of merchants from the North, who had estab- 
lished themselves in the city soon after its occupation 
by the National forces. Nearly all cotton sent to 
jnarket was from plantations leased by Northern men, 
or from purchases made of planters by Northern specu- 
lators. The patronage naturally fell into the hands of the 
new possessors of the soil, and left the old merchants to 
pine in solitude. The old cotton factors, most of them 
Southern men, who could boast of ten or twenty years' 
experience, saw their business pass into the hands of 
men whose arrival in New Orleans was subsequent to 
that of General Butler. Nearly all the 61d factors were 
Secessionists, who religiously believed no government 
could exist unless founded on raw cotton and slavery. 
They continually asserted that none but themselves 
could sell cotton to advantage, and wondered why those 
who had that article to dispose of should employ men 
unaccustomed to its sale. Tliey were doomed to find 
themselves false prophets. The new and enterprising 
merchants monopolized the cotton traffic, and left the 
slavery- worshiping factors of the olden time to mourn 
the loss of their occupation. 

At the time I visited New Orleans, Cotton was fall- 
ing. It had been ninety cents per pound. I could only 



PULSATIONS OF THE COTTON MARKET. 397 

olbtain a small fraction alcove seventy cent^, and witliin 
a week tlie same quality sold for sixty. Three months 
afterward, it readily brought a dollar and a quarter per 
pound. The advices from New York were the springs 
loy which the market in New Orleans was controlled. 
A good demand in New York made a good demand in 
New Orleans, and mce versa. The New York market 
was governed by the Liverpool market, and that in 
turn by the demand at Manchester. Thus the Old World 
and the New had a common interest in the production 
of cotton. While one watched the demand, the other 
closely observed the supply. 

Some of the factors in New Orleans were fearful 
lest the attention paid to cotton-culture in other parts 
of the world would prove injurious to the South after 
the war should be ended. They had abandoned their 
early belief that their cotton was king, and dreaded 
the crash that was to announce the overthrow of all 
their hopes. 

In their theory that cotton-culture was unprofitable, 
unless prosecuted by slave labor, these men could only 
see a gloomy picture for years to come. Not so the new 
occupants of the land. Believing that slavery was not 
necessary to the production of sugar and cotton ; be- 
lieving that the country could show far more prosperity 
under the new system of labor than was ever seen under 
the old ; and believing that commerce would find new 
and enlarged channels with the return of peace, they 
combated the secession heresies of the old residents, and 
dis^Dlayed their faith by their works. New Orleans was 



398 A LITTLE DIFFICULTY. 

throwing Off its old lialbits and adopting tlie ideas and 
manners of Northern civilization. 

Mrs. B., the owner of our plantation, was in New 
Orleans at the time of my arrival. As she was to receive 
half the proceeds of the cotton we had gathered, I wait- 
ed "upon her to tell the result of our lahors. The sale 
heing made, I exhibited the account of sales to her agent, 
and paid him the stipulated amount. So far all was 
well ; hut we were destined to have a difference of opin- 
ion upon a subject touching the rights of the negro. 

Early in 1863 the Rebel authorities ordered the de- 
struction of all cotton liable to fall into the hands of 
the National forces. The order was very generally 
carried out. In its execution, some four hundred bales 
belonging to Mrs. B. wera burned. The officer who 
superintended the destruction, permitted the negroes 
on the plantation to fill their beds with cotton, but 
not to save any in bales. When we were making our 
shipment, Mr. Colburn proposed that those negroes who 
wished to do so, could sell us their cotton, and fill their 
beds with moss or husks. As we paid them a liberal 
price, they accepted our offer, and we made up three bales 
from our purchase. We never imagined that Mrs. B. 
would lay any claim to this lot, and did not include it in 
the quantity for which we paid her half the proceeds. 

After I had made the payment to her factor, I received 
a note from the lady in reference to the three bales 
above mentioned. She said the cotton in question was 
entirely her property ; but, in consideration of our care- 
ful attention to the matter, she would consent to our re- , 



ARGUING THE POINT. 399 

taining half its value. Slie admitted that she would 
have never thought to bring it to market ; hut since we 
had collected and haled it, she demanded it as her own. 
I " respectfully declined" to comply with her request. 
I helieved the negroes had a claim to what was saved 
from the hurning, and given to them hy the Rebel au- 
thorities. Mrs. B. was of the opinion that a slave could 
own nothing, and therefore insisted that the cotton he- 
longed to herself. 

Very soon after sending my reply, I was visited by 
the lady's factor. A warm, though courteous, discus- 
sion transpired. The factor was a Secessionist, and a 
firm believer in the human and divine right of slavery. 
He was a man of polished exterior, and was, doubtless, 
considered a specimen of the .true Southern gentleman. 
In our talk on the subject in dispute, I told him the 
Rebels had allowed the negroes to fill their beds with 
cotton, and it was this cotton we had purchased. 

" The negroes had no right to sell it to you," said 
the factor ; " neither had you any right to purchase it." 

"If it was given to them," I asked, "was it 
not theirs to seU?" 

"Pertainly not. The negroes own nothing, and 
can own nothing. Every thing they have, the clothes 
they wear and the dishes they use, belongs to their 
owners. When we 'give' any thing to a negro, we 
merely allow it to remain in his custody, nothing 
more." 

"But in this case," said I, "the gift was not 
made by the owner. The cotton was to be de'stroyed 



400 VALIDITY OF A PROMISE. 

by order of your Confederate Government. That order 
took it from Mrs. B.'s possession. When the officer 
came to "burn the cotton, and gave a portion to the 
negroes to fill their Ibeds, he made no gift to Mrs. B," 

" Certainly he did. The cotton became hers, when 
it was given to her negroes. If you give any thing 
to one of my negroes, that article becomes my property 
as much as if given to me." 

"But hoTV is it when a negro, by working nights 
or Saturdays, manages to make something for him- 
self?" 

"That is just the same. Whatever he makes in 
that way belongs to his master. Out of policy we 
allow him to keep it, but we manage to have him 
expend it for his own good. The negro is the prop- 
erty of his master, and can own nothing for him- 
self." 

"But in this case," I replied, "I have promised to 
pay the negroes for the cotton. It would be unjust 
to them to fail to do so." 

" You must not pay them any thing for it. What- 
ever you have promised makes no difierence. It is 
Mrs. B.'s property, not theks. If you pay them, 
you will violate all our customs, and establish a 
precedent very bad for us and for yourseK." 

I assured the gentleman I should feel under obli- 
gation to deal justly with the negroes, even at the 
expense of violating Southern precedent. "You may 
not be aware," I remarked, "of the magnitude of 
the change in the condition of the Southern negro 



AMONG THE OFFICIALS. 401 

during the two years just closed. The difference 
of opinion between your people and ourselves is, 
no doubt, an honest one. We shall be quite as 
persistent in pushing our views at the present time 
as you have been in enforcing yours in the past. 
We must try our theory, and wait for the result." 

We separated most amiably, each hoping- the other 
would eventually see things in their true light. From 
present indications, the weight of public opinion is 
on my side, and constantly growing stronger. 

My sales having been made, and a quantity of 
plantation supplies purchased, I was ready to return. 
It was with much difficulty that I was able to procure 1/ 
permits from the Treasury agent at New Orleans to 
enable me to ship my purchases. Before leaving 
ISTatchez, I procured all the documents required by 
law. Natchez and ISTew Orleans were not in the 
same "district," and consequently there was much 
discord. For example, the agent at Natchez gave 
me a certain document that I should exhibit at New 
Orleans, and take with me on my return to Natchez. 
The agent at New Orleans took possession of this 
document, and, on my expostulating, said the agent 
at Natchez "had no right" to give me instructions 
to retain it. He kejDt the paper, and I was left without 
any defense against seizure of the goods I had in 
transit. They were seized by a Government officer, 
but subsequently released. On my arrival at Natchez, 
I narrated the occurrence to the Treasury agent at 
that point. I was informed that the agent at New 



402 A DIFFERENCE OF OPIMON". 

Orleans "could not" take my papers from me, and 
I should not liave allowed Mm to do so. 

I was forcibly reminded of the case of the indi- 
vidual who was once placed in the public stocks. 
On learning his offense, a lawyer told him, "Why, 
Sir, they can't put you in the stocks for thaV 

"But they have." 

" I tell you they can't do it." 

" But, don't you see, they have." 

"I tell you again they can't do any such thing." 

In my own case, each Treasury agent declared the 
other "could not" do the things which had been done. 
In consequence of the inharmony of the "regulations," 
the most careful shipper would frequently find his goods 
under seizure, from which they could generally be re- 
leased on payment of liberal fees and fines. I do not 
know there was any collusion between the officials, but- 
I could not rid myself of the impression there was 
something rotten in Denmark. The invariable result 
of these little quarrels was the plundering of the ship- 
pers. The officials never suffered. Like the opposite 
sides of a pair of shears, though cutting against each 
other, they only injured whatever was between them. 

Not a hundredth part of the official dishonesty at 
New Orleans and other points along the Mississippi will 
ever be known. Enough has been made public to con- 
demn the whole system of permits and Treasury restric- 
tions. The Government took a wise course when it 
abolished, soon after the suppression of the Rebellion, 
a large number of the Treasury Agencies in the South. 



AN ACCOUNT OF SALES. 



403 



As they were managed during the last two years of the 
war, these agencies proved little else than schools of 
dishonesty. There may have l)een some honest men 
in those offices, but they contrived to conceal their 
honesty. 

To show the variety of charges which attach to a 
shipment of cotton, I append the sellers' account for the 
three bales about which Mrs. B. and myself had our 
little dispute. These bales were not sold with the bal- 
ance of our shipment. The cotton of which they were 

composed was of very inferior quality. 

* 

Accoxmt Sales of Three Bales of Cotton for Knox & Colburn. 

By Parsley &' Williams. 



Mark, 



E. 0. E. 



3 bales. 

Weight, I 1 349 (s 

533—406—410 \ ^'^^"^ ® 

Auctioneers' commission, 1 pr. ct. 

Sampling 

Weighing 

Watching 

Tarpaulins 

Freight, $10 pr. bale 

Insurance, $2.50 pr. bale 

4 c. pr. lb. (tax) on 1,849 lb 

|c. " " " '" 

Permit and stamps 

Hospital fees, $5 pr. bale ....;... 
Factors' commission, 1 pr. ct 



Net proceeds 



$0 


60 


$809 


8 


09 
30 
50 
50 
50 




80 


00 




7 


50 




53 


96 




6 


74 
65 




15 


00 




8 


09 








131 

$677 



40 



83 



New Orleans, La., February 22, 1864. 



It will be seen by the above that the charges form an 
important portion of the proceeds of a sale. The heav- 
iest items are for Government and hospital taxes. The 
latter was levied before the war, but the former is one 



404 AN UNPKOFJTABLE TRANSACTION 

of the fruits of tlie Rebellion. It is liliely to endure for 
a considerable time. 

I knew several cases in wMcli tlie sales of cotton did 
not cover tlie charges, but left a small bill to be paid by 
the owner. Frequently, cotton that had been innocent- 
ly purchased and sent to market was seized by Govern- 
ment officials, on account of some alleged informality, 
. and placed in the ]3ublic warehouses. The owner could 
get no hearing until he made liberal presents of a pecun- 
iary character to the proper authorities. 

After much delay and many bribes, the cotton would 
be released. 'New charges would appear, and before a 
sale cauld be effected the whole value of the cotton 
would be gone. 

A person of my acquaintance was unfortunate enough 
to fall into the hands of the Philistines in the manner I 
have described above. At the end of the transaction he 
found himself a loser to the extent of three hundred 
dollars> He has since been endeavoring to ascertain the 
amount of traffic on a similar scale that would be needed 
to make him a millionaire. At last accounts he had not 
succeeded in solving the problem. 



ENERGY OF A LESSEE. * 405 



CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

SOME FEATURES OF PLANTATION LIFE. 

Mysteries of Mule-trading. — ""What's in a Name?" — Process of Stock- 
ing a Plantation. — An Enterprising "White Man.— Stratagem of a 
Yankee. — Distributing Goods to the Negroes. — The Tastes of the 
African. — Ethiopian Eloquence. — A Colored Overseer. — Guerrillas 
Approaching. — "Whisky i)5. Guerrillas. — A Hint to Military Men. 

Oisr my return from New Orleans to tlie plantation, I 
found tliat Colburn liad been pushing our business witli 
a rapidity and skill that secured the admiration of every 
one around us. He had increased our working force, 
and purchased a goodly number of mules. "We had 
seventeen plows in operation, and two teams engaged in 
gathering corn, on the day before my arrival. The 
"trash-gang" was busy, and other working parties 
were occupied with their various duties. We. were 
looking to a brilliant future, and echoed the wish of 
Jefferson Davis, to be "let alone." 

The enterprise of a lessee at that time, and in that 
locality, was illustrated by his ability to supply his 
plantation with mules. There were many who failed in 
the effort, but my associate was not of the number. 
There were but few mules in the Natchez market — not 
enough to meet a tenth of the demand. Nearly every 
plantation had been stripped of worldng animals by one 



406 • UNFORTUNATE IN HIS NAME. 

army or tlie other. Before our arrival the Rebels plun- 
dered all men suspected of lukewarmness in the cause. 
When the National army obtained possession, it took 
nearly every thing the Rebels had left. All property 
believed to belong to the Rebel Government was passed 
into the hands of our quartermaster. 

A planter, named Caleb Shields, had a large planta- 
tion near ISTatchez, which had not been disturbed by the 
Rebels. His mules were branded with the letters " C. S. ,' * 
the initials of tlieu' owner. As these letters happened 
to be the same that were used by the Confederate Gov- 
ernment, Mr. Shields found his mules promptly seized 
and "confiscated." Before he could explain the matter 
and obtain an order for their return, his animals were 
sent to Vicksburg and placed in the Government corral. 
If the gentleman had possessed other initials, it is possible 
(though not certain) he might have saved his stock. 

Mules being very scarce, the lessees exercised their 
sMll in suppl3dng themselves with those animals. On 
my first arrival at the plantation, I took care to hire 
those negroes who were riding from the interior, or, at 
all events, to purchase their animals. In one day I ob- 
tained two horses and four mules. An order had been is- 
sued for the confiscation of beasts of burden (or draught) 
brought inside the lines by negroes. We obtained per- 
mission to purchase of these runaway negroes whatever 
mules they would sell, provided we could make our ne- 
gotiations before they reached the military lines. 

Immediately after my departure, Mr. Colburn sta- 
tioned one of our men on the road near our house, with 



TEADING m MULES. 407 

orders to effect a trade witli every mounted negro" on Ms 
way to ISTatcliez. The plan was successful. From two 
to a half-dozen mules were ol)tained daily. During they 
two weeks of my alDsence nearly fifty mules were pur- 
chased, placing the plantation in good order for active 
prosecution of our planting enterprise. At the same 
time many lessees in our vicinity were unable to com- 
mence operations, owing to their inahility to obtain 
worMng stock. 

The negroes discovered that the mule market was 
not well supplied, and some of the more enterprising 
and dishonest sons of Ham endeavored to profit by the 
situation. Frequently mules would be offered at a sus- . 
piciously low price, with the explanation that the owner 
was anxious to dispose of his property and return 
home. Some undertook nocturnal expeditions, ten or 
twenty miles into the interior, where they stole what- 
ever mules they could find. A few of the lessees suf- ^ 
fered by the loss of stock, which was sold an hour after 
it was stolen, and sometimes to the very party from 
whom it had been taken. We took every care to 
avoid buying stolen property, but were sometimes de- 
ceived. 

On one occasion I purchased a mule of a negro who 
lived at Waterproof. The purchase was made an hour 
before sunset, and the animal was stolen during the night. 
On the following morning, Colburn bought it again of the 
same party with whom I had effected my trade. After 
this occurrence, we adopted the plan of branding each 
mule as soon as it came into our hands. All the lessees 



408 AN EXCELLENT PURCHASE. 

did tke same thing, and ]3artially protected each, other 
against fraud. 

White men were the worst mule- thieves, and gen- 
erally instructed the negroes in their villainy. There 
were several men in Natchez who reduced mule-steal- 
ing to a science, and were as thoroughly skilled in it 
as Charley Bates or the Artful Dodger in the science 
of picking pockets. One of them had four or five white 
men and a dozen negroes emj^loyed in "bringing stock to 
market. I think he retired to St. Louis, l^efore the end 
of May, with ten or twelve thousand dollars as the re- 
sult of three months' industry. 

Some of the lessees resorted to questional)le methods 
for supplying their plantations with the means for plow- 
ing and planting. One of them occupied a plantation 
owned by a man who refused to allow his own stock to 
be used. He wished to he neutral until the war was 
ended. 

This owner had more than sixty fine mules, that were 
running loose in the field. One day the lessee told the 
owner that he had jDurchased a lot of mules at Natchez, 
and would bring them out soon. On the following 
night, while the . owner slept, the lessee called some 
trusty negroes to his aid, caught seventeen mules from 
the field, sheared and branded them, and placed them 
in a yard by themselves. In the morning he called tlie 
owner to look at the "purchase." 

"You have bought an excellent lot," said the latter 
individual. ' ' Where were they from V ' 

"All from St. Louis." was the response. "Thev 



m THE MIDST OF DANGEES. 409 

were Ibrotiglit down two days ago. I don't know what 
to do about turning tliem out. Do you tliink, if I put 
them with yours, there is any danger of their straying, 
on account of Ibeing on a strange place T' 

"None at all. I think there is no risk." 

The lessee took the risk, and expressed much delight 
to find that the new mules showed themselves at home 
on the plantation. 

Several days later the owner of the plantation dis- 
covered the loss of his mules, but never suspected what 
had become of them. Two weeks afterward, the Rebels 
came and asked him to designate the property of the 
lessee, that they might remove it. He complied by. 
pointing out the seventeen mules, which the Rebels 
drove away, leaving the balance unharmed. 

I landed at the j)lantation one Sunday evening, with 
the goods I had purchased in New Orleans. I was met 
with the unwelcome irformation that the small force at 
Waterproof, after committing many depredations on the 
surrounding country, had been withdrawn, leaving us 
exposed to the tender mercies of the indignant chivalry. 
We were liable to be visited at any moment. We knew 
the Rebels would not handle us very tenderly, in view 
of what they had suffered from our own men. A party 
of guerrillas was reported seven miles distant on 'the 
day j)revious, and there was nothing to hinder their 
coming as near as they chose. 

Accordingly, we determined to distribute the goods 
among the negroes as early as possible. On Monday 
morning Ave commenced. There was some delay, but 



410 THE AFRICAN" TASTE. 

we succeeded in starting a very lively trade 'bef()re seven 
o'clock. 

Shoes were in great demand, as tlie negroes liad 
notlbeen supplied with these articles for nearly three 
years. A hundred pairs were speedily issued, when the 
balance was laid aside* for future consideration. There 
were some of the negroes whose feet were too large 
for any shoes we had purchased. It was a curious 
fact that these large-footed negroes were not ahove 
the ordinary stature. I rememher one in particular 
who demanded "thirteens," hut who did not stand 
more than five feet and five inches in his invisible 
stockings. 

After the shoes, came the material for clothing. For 
. /the men we had purchased " gray denims " and " Ken- 
tucky jeans;" for the women, "blue denims" and 
common calico. These articles were rapidly taken, and 
with them the necessary quantity of thread, buttons, etc. 
A supply of huge bandana kerchiefs for the head 
was eagerly called for. I had procured as many of 
these articles as I thought necessary for the entire 
number of negroes on the plantation ; but found I 
had sadly miscalculated. The kerchiefs were large 
and very gaudy, and the African taste was at once 
captivated by them. Instead of being satisfied with 
one or two, every negro desired from six to a dozen, 
j and was much disappointed at the refusal. The gaudy 
I colors of most of the calicoes created a great demand, 
while a few pieces of more subdued appearance were 
wholly discarded. White cotton cloth, palm-leaf hats, 



PURCHASES AND PRESENTS. 411 

• 

knives and forks, tin plates, pans and dislies, and other 
articles for use or wear, Were among the distributions 
of the day. 

Under the slave-owner's rule, the negro was entitled 
to nothing beyond his subsistence and coarse clothing. 
Out of a large-hearted generosity the master gave him 
various articles, amounting, in the course of a year, to a 
few dollars in value. These articles took the name of 
" presents," and their reception was designed to inspire 
feelings of gratitude in the breast of the slave. 

Most of the negroes understood that the new arrange- 
ments made an end of present-giving. They were to be 
paid for all their labor, and were to pay for whatever 
they received. When the plan was first announced, all 
were pleased with it ; but when we came to the distri- 
bution of the goods, many of the negroes changed their 
views. They urged that the clothing, and every thing 
else we had purchased, should be issued as "presents,' 
and that they should be paid for their labor in addition. 
Whatever little advantages the old system might have, 
they wished to retain and ingraft upon their new life. 
To be compensated for labor was a condition of freedom 
which they joyfully accepted. To receive " presents " 
was an apparent advantage of slavery which they did 
not wish to set aside. 

The matter was fully explained, and I am confident 
all our auditors understood it. Those that remained ob- 
stinate had an eye to their personal interests. Those 
who had been sick, idle, absent, or disabled, were dq- 
eirous of liberal gifts, while the industrious were gener- 



412 A FOEGOTTEN PROMISE. 

ally in favor of the new system, or made no special op- 
position to it. 

One negro, wlio had been in our employ two weeks, 
and whose whole labor in that time was less than four 
days, thought he deserved a hundred dollars' worth of 
presents, and compensation in money for a fortnight's 
toil. All were inclined to value their services very 
highly ; but there were some whose moderation knew 
no bounds. 

A diflBlculty arose on account of certain promises that 
had been made to the negroes by the owner of the plan- 
tation, long before our arrival. IVIi's. B. had told them 
(according to their version) that the proceeds of the cot- 
ton on the plantation should be distributed in the form 
of presents, whenever a sale was effected. She did not 
inform us of any such promise when we secured the 
lease of the plantation. If she made any agreement to 
that effect, it was probably forgotten. Those who claim- 
ed that this arrangement had been made desired liberal 
presents in addition to payment for their labor. Our 
non-compliance with this demand was acknowledged to 
be just, but it created considerable disappointment. 

One who had been her mistress's favorite argued 
the question with an earnestness that attracted my 
attention. Though past sixty years of age, she was 
straight as an arrow, and her walk resembled that 
of a tragedy queen. In her whole features she was 
unlike those around her, except in her complexion, 
•vyhich was black as ink. There was a clear, silvery 
tone to her voice, such as I have rarely observed in 



A NEGRO OVERSEER. 413 

persons of her race. In pressing lier claim, slie grew 
wonderfully eloquent, and would have elicited the 
admiration of an educated audience. Had there heen 
a school in that vicinity for the development of 
histrionic talent in the negro race, I Would have 
given that woman a recommendation to its halls. 

During my absence, Mr. Colburn employed ai^ 
overseer on our smaller plantation, and placed him • 
in full charge of the work. This overseer was a 
mulatto, who had been fifteen years the manager 
of a large plantation about seven miles distant from 
ours. In voice and manner he was a white man, 
but his complexion and hair were those of the subject 
race. There was nothing about -the plantation which 
he could not master in every point. Without being 
severe, he was able to accomplish all that had been 
done under the old system. He imitated the customs 
of the white man as much as possible, and it was 
his particular ambition to rank above those of his 
own color. As an overseer he was fully competent 
to take charge of any plantation in that locality. 
During all my stay in the South, I did not meet a 
white overseer whom I considered the professional 
ec^ual of this negro. 

"Richmond" was the name to which our new 
assistant answered. His master had prevented his 
learning to read, but allowed him to acquire suffi- 
cient loiowledge of figures to record the weight of 
cotton in the field. Richmond could mark upon> 
the slate all round numbers between one hundred 



414 ' AE ALAEM. 

and four hundred; beyond tliis lie was never alble 
to go. He could neither add nor subtract, nor could 
lie write a single letter of the alphabet. He was 
able, however, to write his own name very badly, 
having copied it from a pass written by his master. 
'He had possessed himself of a book, and, with the 
help of one of our negroes who knew the alphabet, 
he was learning to read. His house was a model 
of neatness. I regret to say that he was somewhat 
tyrannical when superintending the affairs of his 
domicile. 

As the day of our distribution of goods was a 
stormy one, Richmond was called from the plantation 
to assist us. Under his assistance we were progressing 
fairly, interrupted occasionally by various causes of 
delay. Less than half the valuable articles were 
distributed, when our watches told us it was noon. 
Just as we were discussing the propriety of an ad- 
journment for dinner, an announcement was made 
that banished all thoughts of the mid-day meal. 

One of our boys had been permitted to visit 
Waterproof during the forenoon.. He returned, some- 
what breathless, and his first words dropped like 
a shell among the assembled negroes : 

" The Rebels are in Waterproof.^'' 

" How do you know ?" 

"I saw them there, and asked a lady what they 
were. She said they were Harrison's Rebels." 

We told the negroes to go to their quarters. Rich- 
mond mounted his horse and rode off toward the 



"STRATEGY, MY BOY." 415 

plantation of wMcli lie had charge. In two minutes, 
there was not a negro in the yard, with the exception 
of the house-servants. Our goods were lying exposed. 
We threw sOme of the most valuable articles into an 
obscure closet. 

At the first alarm we ordered our horses brought 
out. When the animals appeared we desisted from our 
work. 

"The Rebels are coming down the road," was the 
next bulletin from the front. 

We sprang upon our horses and rode a hundred 
yards along the front of our "quarter-lot," to a point 
where we could look up the road toward Waterproof. 
There they were, sure enough, thirty or more mounted 
men, advancing at a slow trot. They were about half a 
mile distant, and, had we been well mounted, there was 
no doubt of our easy escape. 

"N"ow comes the race," said Colburn. "Twenty 
miles to Natchez. A single heat, with animals to go at 
wUl." 

We turned our horses in the direction of Natchez. 

"Stop," said I, as we reached the house again. 
"They did not see us, and have not quickened their 
pace. Strategy, my boy, may assist us a little." 

Throwing my bridle into Colburn' s hand, I slid 
from my saddle and bounded into the dwelling. It was 
the work of a moment to bring out a jug and a glass 
tumbler, but I was delayed longer than I wished in 
finding the key of our closet. The jug contained five 
gallons of excellent whisky (so pronounced by my 



416 THE VALUE OF A DEMIJOHN". 

friends), and would, have "been a valuable prize in any 
portion of the Confederacy. 

Placing the jug and tumbler side by side on the 
veranda, in full view from the road, I remounted, just 
as the Rebels reached the corner of our quarter-lot. 

"We have pressing engagements in K'atchez," said 
Colburn. 

"So we have," I replied; "I had nearly forgotten 
them. Let us lose no time in meeting them." 

As we rode off, some of the foremost Rebels espied 
us and quickened their pace. When they reached the 
house they naturally looked toward it to ascertain if any 
person was there. They saw the jug, and were at once 
attracted. One man rode past the house, but the balance 
stopped. The minority of one was prudent, and re- 
turned after pursuing us less than fifty yards. The 
whisky which the jug contained was quicldy absorbed. 
With only one tumbler it required some minutes to 
drain the jug. These minutes were valuable. 

Whisky may have ruined many a man, but it saved 
ns. Around that seductive jug those thirsty guerrillas 
became oblivious to our escape. We have reason to be 
thankful that we disobej^ed the rules of strict teetotalers 
by "keeping liquor in the house." 

I was well mounted, and could have easily kept out 
of the way of any ordinary chase. Colburn was only 
fairly mounted, and must have been run down had there 
been a vigorous and determined pursuit. As each was 
resolved to stand by the other, the capture of one would 
have doubtless been the capture of both. 



EXTENT OF THE RAID. 417 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

VISITED BY GUERRILLAS. 

N'^ws of the Eaid. — Eetarning to the Plantation. — Examples of Negro 
Cunning. — A Sudden Departure and a Fortunate Escape. — A Second 
Visit. — " Going Through," in Guerrilla Parlance. — How it is Accom- 
plished. — Courtesy to Guests. — A Holiday Costume. — Lessees Aban- 
doning their Plantations. — OflBcial Promises. 

As soon as satisfied we were not followed we took a / 
leisurely pace, and in due time reached Natchez. Four 
hours later we received the first bulletin from the plan- 
tation. About thirty guerrillas had been there, mainly 
for the purpose of despoiling the plantation next above 
ours. This they had accomplished by driving ofi" all the 
mules. They had not stolen our mules, simply because 
they lound as much cloth and other deskable property^ 
as they Avished to take on that occasion. Besides, our 
neighbor' s mules made as large a drove as they could 
manage. They promised to come again, and we believed 
they would keep their word. We ascertained that my 
strategy with the whisky saved us from pursuit. 

On the next day a messenger arrived, saying all was 
quiet at the plantation. On the second day, as every 
thing continued undisturbed, I concluded to return. 
Colburn had gone to Vicksburg, and left me to look 
after our afiairs as I thought best. We had discussed 
the propriety of hiring a white overseer to stay on the 

27 



418 A NEW OVERSEER. 

plantation during our absence. .The prospect of visits 
from guerrillas convinced us that we should not spend 
much of our time within their reach. We preferred pay- 
ing some one to risk his life rather than to risk our own 
lives. The prospect of getting through the season with- 
out serious interruption had become very poor, but we 
desired to cling to the experiment a little longer. Once 
having undertaken it, we were determined not to give it 
up hastily. 

I engaged a white man as overseer, and took him 
with me to the plantation. The negroes had been tem- 
porarily alarmed at the visit of the guerrillas, but, as 
they were not personally disturbed, their excitement was 
soon allayed. I found them anxiously waiting my re- 
turn, and ready to recommence labor on the following 
day. 

The ravages of the guerrillas on that occasion were 
not extensive. They carried off a few bolts of cloth and 
some smaller articles, after drinking the whisky I had 
set out for their entertainment. The negroes had care- 
fully concealed the balance of the goods in places where 
a white man would have much trouble in finding them. 
In the garden there was a row of bee-hives, whose occu- 
pants manifested much dislike for all white) men, irre- 
spective of their political sentiments. Two unused hives 
were filled with the most valuable articles on our in- 
voice, and placed at the ends of this row. In a clump 
of weeds under the bench on which the hives stood, the 
negroes secreted several rolls of cloth and a quantity of 
shoes. More shoes and more cloth were concealed in a 



A FORTUNATE DEPAETUEE. 419 

hen-lionse, under a series of nests where several innocent 
liens were "sitting!" Crockery was placed among the 
rose-bushes and tomato-vines in the garden ; barrels of 
sugar were piled with empty barrels of great age ; and 
two barrels of molasses had been neatly buried in a 
freshly-ploughed potato-field. Obscure corners in stables 
and sheds were turned into hiding-places, and the cun- 
ning of the negro was well evinced by the successful 
concealment of many bulky articles. 

It was about two o'clock in the afternoon when I 
arrived at the plantation. I immediately recommenced 
the issue of goods, which was suspended so hastily 
three days before. From two o'clock until dark the 
overseer and myself were busily engaged, and distrib- 
uted about two-thirds of our remaining stock. Niglit 
came. We suspended the distribution and indulged in 
supper. After giving the overseer directions for the 
morrow, I recollected an invitation to spend the night 
at the house of a friend, tliree miles away, on the road 
to Natchez. 

I ordered my horse, and in a few moments the animal 
was ready, at the door. I told the overseer where I was 
going, and bade him good-night. 

"Where are you gomg, Mr. K ?" said the negro 

who, had brought out the horse, as he delivered the 
bridle into my hands. 

"If any one calls to see me," said I, "you can say I 
have gone to Natchez," 

With that I touched a spur to my horse and darted 
off rapidly toward my friend's house. A half-dozen 



420 A SECOND VISIT. 

negroes had gathered to assist in saddling and holding 
the horse. As I sprang into the saddle I heard one of 
them say : 

"I don't see why Mr. K starts off to Natchez at 

this time of night." 

Another negro explained the matter, but I did not 
hear the explanation. If he gave a satisfactory reason, I 
think he did better than I conld have done. 

Immediately after my departure the overseer "went to 
bed. He had been in bed about fifteen minutes when 
he heard a trampling of horses' feet around the house. 
A moment later there was a loud call for the door to be 
opened. Before the overseer could comply with the 
request, the door was broken in. A dozen men crowded 
into the house, demanding that a light be struck instant- 
ly. As the match gave its first flash of light, one of the 
visitors said : 

" Well, K — -, we've got you this time." 

"That," said another, "is no K ; that is Walter 

Owen, who used to bo overseer on Stewart's planta- 
tion." 

" What are you doing here ?" demanded another. 

Mr. Owen, trembling in his night-clothes, replied 
that he had been engaged to stay there as overseer. 

"Where is K , and where is Colburn?" 

"Mr. Colburn hasn't been here since last Monday. 
Mr. K has gone to Natchez." 

' ' That' s a lie, ' ' said one of the guerrillas. ' ' We 

know he came here at two o'clock this afternoon, and 
was here at dark. He is somewhere around this house. ' ' 



"GOING THEOUGH." 421 

In vain did Owen protest I was not tliere. Every 
room and every ^closet in the liouse was searched. A 
pile of bagging in a garret was overhauled, in the ex- 
pectation that I was concealed within it. Even the 
chimneys were not neglected, though I doubt if the 
smallest of professional sweeps could pass through 
them. One of the guerrillas opened a piano, to see if I 
had not taken refuge under its cover. They looked 
into all possible and impossible nooks and corners, 
in the hope of finding me somewhere. At last they 
gave up the search, and contented themselves with 
promising to catch both Colburn and myself before 
long. 

"We want to go through those d d Abolitionists, 

and we will do it, too. They may dodge us for a while, 
but we will have them by-and-by." 

'Not being privileged to "go through" me as theyj^ 
had anticii)ated, the gentlemanly guerrillas went through 
the overseer. They took his money, his hat, his panta- 
loons, and his saddle. His horse was standing in the 
stable, and they took that also. They found four of our 
mules, and appropriated them to their own use. They 
frightened one of the negroes into telling where certain 
articles were concealed, and were thus enabled to carry 
off a goodly amount of plunder. They threatened Mr. 
Owen with the severest punishment, if he remained any 
longer on the plantation. They possessed themselves 
of a "protection" paper which Mrs. B. had received 
from the commander at ]N"atcliez several months before, 
and were half inclined to burn her buildings as a pun- 



422 COUETESY TO GUESTS. 

isliment for having sought the favor of the Yankees. 
Their stay was of only an honr' s duration. 

From our plantation the rohbers went to the one next 
ahove, where they were more fortunate in finding the 
lessees at home. They surrounded the house in the 
same manner they had surrounded ours, and then hurst 
open the doors. The lessees were plundered of every 
thing in the shape of money, watches, and knives, and 
were forced to "exchange hats and coats with their cap- 
tors. One of the guerrillas observed an ivory-headed 
pencil, which he appropriated to his own use, with the 
remark : 

"They don't make these things back here in the 
woods. When they do, I will send this one back." 

These lessees were entertaining some friends on that 
evening, and begged the guerrillas to show them some 
distinction. 

"D — n your friends," said the guerrilla leader; "I 
suppose they are Yankees?" 

"Yes, they are ; we should claim friendship with no- 
body else." 

"Then we want to see what they have, and go 
through them if it is worth the while." 

The strangers were unceremoniously searched. Their 
united contributions to the guerrilla treasury were two 
watches, two revolvers, three hundred dollars in money, 
and their hats and overcoats. Their horses and saddles 
were also taken. In consideration of their being guests 
of the house, these gentlemen were allowed to retain 
their coats. They were presented with five dollars each, 



AITOTHER RAnX 423 

to pay their expenses to Natchez. IN'o such courtesy 
was shown to the lessees of the plantation. 

On the following morning, I was awakened at an 
early hour by the arrival of a negro from our plantation, 
with news of the raid. A little later, Mr. Owen made 
his appearance, wearing pantaloons and hat that belonged 
to one of the negroes. The pantaloons were too small 
and the hat too large ; both had long before seen their 
best days. He was riding a mule, on which was tied an 
old saddle, whose cohesive powers were very doubtful. 
I listened to the story of the raid, and was convinced 
another visit would be made very soon. I gave direc- 
tions for the overseer to gather all the remaining mules 
and take them to Natchez for safety. 

I stopped with my friend until nearly noon, and then / 
accompanied him to Natchez. On the next mornmg, I 
learned that the guerrillas returned to our plantation 
while I was at my friend's house. They carried away 
what they were unable to take on the previous night 
They needed a wagon for purposes of transportation, 
and took one of ours, and with it all the mules they 
could find. Our house was stripped of every thing of 
any value, and I hoped the guerrillas would have no 
occasion to make subsequent visits. Several of our 
mules were saved by running them into the woods ad- 
joining the plantation. These were taken to Natchez, 
and, for a time, all work on the prospective cotton crop 
came to an end. 

For nearly three weeks, the guerrillas had full and / 
free range in tlie vicinity of the leased plantations. One 



424 SUSPEITDING LABORS. 

after anotlier of the lessees were driven to seek refuge at 
N'atcliez, and tlieir work Tvas entirely suspended. The 
only plantations iindisturl)ed were those within a mile 
I or two of Yidalia. As the son of Adjutant- General 
I Thomas was interested in one of these plantations, and 
intimate friends of that official were concerned in others, 
it was proper that they should he well protected. The 
troops at Vidalia were kept constantly on the look-out 
to prevent raids on these favored localities. 

Nearly every day I heard of a fresh raid in our 
neighborhood, though, after the first half-dozen visits, 
I could not learn that the guerrillas carried away any 
thing, for the simple reason there was nothing left to 
steal. Some of the negroes remained at home, while 
others fled to the military posts for protection. The 
robbers showed no disposition to maltreat the negroes, 
and repeatedly assured them they should not be dis- 
turbed as long as they remained on the plantations and 
planted nothing but corn. It was declared that cotton 
should not be cultivated under any circumstances, and 
the negroes were threatened with the severest punish- 
ment if they assisted in planting that article. 



AGAIN IN THE FIELD. 425 



CHAPTER XL. 

PECULIARITIES OF PLANTATION" LABOR. 

Eesuming Operation. — Difficulties in tlie Way. — A New Method of 
Healing the Sick. — A Thief Discovered by his Ignorance of Arith- 
metic. — How Cotton is Planted. — The Uses of Cotton-Seed. — A 
Novel Sleeping-Room. — Constructing a Tunnel. — Vigilance of a 
Negro SentineL 

On the 24tli of March a small post was estal)lished at 
Waterproof, and on the following day we recommenced 
our enter j)rise at the plantation. We were much crip- 
pled, as nearly all our mules were gone, and the work of 
replacing them could not be done in a day. The market 
at ISTatchez was not supplied with mules, and we were 
forced to depend upon the region around us. Three 
days after the establishment of the post we were able to 
start a half-dozen plows, and within two weeks we had 
our original force in the field. The negroes that had left 
during the raid, returned to us. Under the superintend- 
ence of our overseer the work was rapidly pushed. 
Richmond was back again on our smaller plantation, 
whence he had fled during the disturbances, and was 
displaying an energy worthy of the highest admiration. 

Our gangs were out in. full force. There was the 
trash-gang clearing the ground for the plows, and the 
plow-gang busy at its appropriate work. The corn- 
gang, with two ox-teams, was gathering corn at the rate 



426 A NEW DIFFICULTY. 

of a hundred bushels daily, and the fence-gang was 
putting the fences in order. The shelling-gang (com- 
posed of the oldest men and women) was husking and 
shelling corn, and putting it in sacks for market. The 
gardener, the stock- tenders, the dairy-maids, nursery- 
maids, hog-minders, and stable-keepers were all in their 
places, and we began to forget our recent troubles in 
the apparent prospect of success. 

One difficulty -of the new system presented itself. 
( Several of the negroes began to feign sickness, and cheat 
the overseer whenever it could be done with impunity. 
It is a part of the overseer' s duty to go through the quar- 
ters every morning, examine such as claim to be sick, 
determine whether their sickness be real or pretended, 
and make the appropriate prescriptions. Under the 
old system the pretenders were treated to a liberal 
application of the lash, which generally drove away 
all fancied ills. Sometimes, one who was really un- 
well, was most unmercifully flogged by the overseer, 
and death not unfrequently ensued from this cause. 

As there was now no fear of the lash, some of the 
lazily-inclined negroes would feign sickness, and thus 
be excused from the field. The trouble was not gen- 
eral, but sufficiently prevalent to be annoying. We 
saw that some course must be devised to overcome 
this evil, and keep in the field all who were really 
able to be there. 
\ We procured some printed tickets, wliich the over- 
seer was to issue at the close of each day. There were 
three colors — red, yellow, and white. The first were 



A MEDICAL PRESOPJPTIOK 427 

for a full day' s work, the second for a half day, and the 
last for a quarter day. On the face of each was the fol- 
lowing : — 



AQUASCO & M02T0N0 

PLANTATIONS. 

1864. 



These tickets were given each day to such as de- 
served them. They were collected every Saturday, and 
proper credit given for the amount of labor performed 
during the week. The effect was magical. The day 
after the adoption of our ticket system our number of 
sick was reduced one-half, and we had no further/ 
trouble with pretended patients. Colburn and myself, 
in our new character of "doctors," found our practice 
greatly diminished in consequence of our innovations. 
Occasionally it would happen that one who was not 
really able to work, would go to the field through a fear 
of diminished wages. 

One Saturday night, a negro whom we had suspected 
of thievish propensities, presented eight full-day tickets 
as the representative of his week' s work. 

"Did you earn all these this week ?" I asked. 

"Yes, sir," was the reply; "Mr. Owen gave them 
to me. I worked every day, straight along." 

"Can you tell me on which days he gave you each 
ticket?" 

"Oh, yes. I knows every one of them," said the 



428 CAUGHT IN DISHOKESTT. 

negro, Ms countenance expressing full belief in his a'bil- 
ity to locate eacli ticket. 

As I lield the tickets in my hand, the negro picked 
them out. "Mr. Owen gave me this one Monday, this 
one Tuesday," and so on, toward the end of the week. 
As he reached Friday, and saw three tickets remaining, 
when there was only another day to he accounted for, 
his face suddenly fell. I pretended not to notice his 
embarrassment. 

" Which one did he give you to-day ?" 

There was a stammer, a hesitation, a slight attempt 
to explain, and then the truth came out. He had stolen 
the extra tickets "from two fellow-lahorers only a few 
minutes before", and had not reflected upon the difficul- 
ties of the situation. I gave him some good advice, re- 
quired him to restore the stolen tickets, and promise he 
Avould not steal any more. I think he kept the promise 
during the remainder of liis stay on the plantation, hut 
am by no means certain. 

Every day, when the weather was favorable, our 
work was pushed. Every mule that could be found 
was put at once into service, and by the 15th of April 
we had upward of five hundred acres plowed and ready 
for planting. We had planted about eighty acres of 
corn during the first week of April, and arranged to 
commence planting cotton on Monday, the 18th of the 
month. On the Saturday previous, the overseer on each 
plantation organized his planting-gangs, and placed 
every thing in readiness for active work. 

The ground, when plowed for cotton, is thrown into 



COTTON"-SEED AKD ITS USES. 429 

a series of ridges by a process teclinically known as 
"four-furrowing." Two furrows are turned in one 
direction and two in another, thus making a ridge four 
or five feet wide. Along the top of this ridge a "plant- 
er," or "bull-tongue," is drawn by a single mule, 
making a channel two or three inches in depth. A 
person carrying a bag of cotton seed follows the planter 
and scatters the seed into the channel. A small harrow 
follows, covering the seed, and the work of planting is 
complete. 

A planting-gang consists of drivers for the planters, 
drivers for the harrows, persons who scatter the seed, 
and attendants to supply them with seed. The seed is 
drawn from the gin-house to the field in ox- wagons, and 
distributed in convenient piles of ten or twenty bushels 
each. 

Cotton-seed has never "been considered of any appre- 
ciable value, and consequently the negroes are very 
wasteful in using it. In sowing it in the field, they 
scatter at least twenty times as much as necessary, and 
all advice to use less is unheeded. It is estimated that 
there are forty bushels of seed to every bale of cotton 
produced. A plantation that sends a thousand bales of 
cotton to market will thus have forty thousand bushels 
of seed, for which there was formerly no sale. 

With the most lavish use of the article, there was 
generally a surplus at the end of the year. Cattle and 
sheep will eat cotton-seed, though not in large quanti- 
ties. Boiled cotton-seed is fed to hogs on all j)lanta- 
tions, but it is far behind corn in nutritious and fattening 



/ 



430 THE PLAFTING-GANG. 

qualities. Cotton-seed is packed around the roots of 
small trees, wliere it is necessary to give them warmtli or 
furnish a ricli soil for their growth. To some extent it 
is used as fuel for steam-engines, on places where the 
machinery is run by steam. When the war deprived 
the Southern cities of a supply of coal for their gas- 
works, many of them found cotton seed a very good 
substitute. Oil can be eistracted from it in large quanti- 
ties. For several years, the Cotton- Seed Oil Works 
of Memphis carried on an extensive business. Notwith- 
standing the many uses to which cotton-seed can be 
applied, its great abundance makes it of little value. 

The planting-gang which we started on that Monday 
morning, consisted of five planters and an equal number 
of harrows, sowers, etc. Each planter passed over 
about six acres daily, so that every day gave us thirty 
acres of our prospective cotton crop. At the end of the 
week we estimated we had about a hundred and seventy 
acres planted. On the following week we increased the 
number of planters, but soon reduced them, as we found 
we should overtake the plows earlier than we desired. 
By the evening of Monday, May 2d, we had planted up- 
ward of four hundred acres. A portion of it was push- 
ing out of the ground, and giving promise of rapid 
growth. 

During this period the business was under the direct 
superintendence of our overseers, Mr. Owen being re- 
sponsible for the larger plantation, and Richmond for 
the smaller. Every day they were visited by Colburn or 
myself — sometimes by both of us — and received direc- 



HOW TO MAKE A TUNNEL. 431 

tions for the general management, which they carried 
out in detail. Knowing the habits of the guerrillas, we 
did not think it prudent to sleep in our house at the 
plantation. Those individuals were liable to announce 
their presence at any hour of the night, by quietly sur- 
rounding the house and requesting its inmates to make 
their appearance. 

When I spent the night at the plantation, I generally 
slept on a pile of cotton-seed, in an out-building to 
which I had secretly conveyed a pair of blankets and a 
flour- bag. This bag, filled with seed, served as my 
pillow, and though my bed lacked the elasticity of a 
spring mattress, it was really quite comfortable. My 
sleeping-place was at the foot of a huge pile of seed, 
containing many hundred bushels. One night I amused 
myself by making a tunnel into this pile in much the 
same way as a squirrel digs into a hill- side. With a 
minute's warning I could have "hunted my hole," 
taking my blankets with me. By filling the entrance 
with seed, I could have escaped any ordinary search of 
the building. I never had occasion to use my tunnel. 

Generally, however, we staid in Waterproof, leaving 
there early in the morning, taking breakfast at the upper 
plantation, inspecting the work on both plantations, and, 
after dinner, returning to Waterproof. We could obtain 
a better dinner at the plantation than Waterproof was 
able to furnish us. Stj-awberries held out until late in 
the season, and we had, at all times, chickens, eggs, and 
milk in abundance. Whenever we desired roast lamb, 
our purveyor caused a good selection to be made from 



432 A VIGILANT SENTINEL. 

our flock. Fresh j)ork was mucli too albundant for our 
tastes, and we astonished the negroes and all other 
natives of that region, l^j our seemingly Jewish propen- 
sities. Pork and corn-bread are the great staples of life 
in that hot climate, where one would naturally look for 
lighter articles of food. 

Once I was detained on the plantation till after dark. 
As I rode toward Waterproof, expecting the negro sen- 
tinel to challenge and halt me, I was suddenly brought 
to a stand by the whistling of a bullet close to my ear, 
followed by several others at wider range. 

" Wlio comes there?" 

' ' A friend , with the countersign. ' ' 

"If that's so, come in. We thought you was the 
Eebels." 

As I reached the ]Dicket, the corporal of the guard ex- 
l^lained that they were on duty for the first time, and did 
not well understand their business. I agreed with him 
fully on the latter point. To fire upon a solitary horse- 
man, advancing at a walk, and challenge him afterward, 
was something that will appear ridiculous in the eyes of 
all soldiers. The corporal and all his men promised to 
do better next time, and begged me not to report them 
at head-quarters. AVlien I reached the center of the 
town, I found the garrison had been alarmed at the 
picket firing, and was turning out to repel the enemy. 
On my assurance that I was the " enemy," the order to 
fall into line of battle was countermanded. 



THE NEGEOES AS SOLDIERS. 433 



CHAPTER XLI. 

THE NEGEOES AT A MILITARY POST. 

The Soldiers at "Waterproof. — The Black Man in Blue. — Mutiny and 
Desertion. — Their Cause and Cure. — Tendering a Resignation. — ISTo 
Desire for a Barber. — Seeking Protection, — Falsehood and Truth. — 
Proneness to Exaggeration. — Amusing Estimates. 

The soldiers forming the garrison at Waterproof, at 
that time, were from a regiment raised by Colonel Eaton, 
superintendent of contrabands at Yicksburg. They were 
recruited in the vicinity of Yicksburg and Milliken's 
Bend, especially for local defense. They made, as the 
negro everywhere has made, excellent material for the 
army. Easily subordinate, prompt, reliable, and keenly 
alert when on duty (as their shooting at me will evince), 
they completely gave the lie to the Rebel assertion that 
the negro would prove worthless under arms. 

On one point only were they inclined to be mutinous. 
Their home ties were very strong, and their affection for 
their wives and children could not be overcome at once. 
It appeared that when this regiment was organized it was 
expected to remain at Milliken' s Bend, where the families 
of nearly all the men were gathered. The order trans- 
ferring them to Waterproof was unlooked for, and the 
men made some complaint. This was soon silenced, but 

after the regiment had been there three or four weeks, a 
28 . 



434 GOING HOME WITHOUT LEAVE. 

half-dozen of the men went out of the lines one night, 
and started to walk to Milliken's Bend. They were 
hrought hack, and, after several days in the guard- 
house, returned to duty. Others followed their example 
in attempting to go home, and for a while the camp was 
in a disturbed condition. Desertions were of daily oc- 
currence. 

It was difficult to make them understand they were 
doing wrong. The army regulations and the intricacies 
of military law were unknown to them. They had never 
studied any of General Halleck's translations from the 
French, and, had they done so, I doubt if they would 
have been much enlightened. Ifone of them knew what 
"desertion" meant, nor the duties of a soldier to adhere 
to his flag at all times. All intended to return to the 
post after making a brief visit to their families. Most 
of them would request their comrades to notify their 
captains that they would only be absent a short time. 
Two, who succeeded in eluding piursuit, made their 
appearance one morning as if nothing had happened, 
and assured their officers that others would shortly be 
back again. Gradually they came to understand the 
wickedness of desertion, or absence Without leave, but 
this comprehension of their obligations was not easily 
acquired. 

A captain, commanding a company at Waterproof, 
told me an amusing story of a soldier "handing in his 
resignation." As the captain was sitting in front of his 
quarters, one of his men approached him, carrying his 
musket and all Ms accoutrements. Without a word the 



TENDEEING A EESIGNATION". 435 

man laid his entire outfit upon the ground, in front of 
the captain, and then turned to walk away. 

"Come iDack here," said the officer; "what do you 
mean Iby this 1" 

"I'se tired of staying here, and I'se going home," 
was the negro' s answer, and he again attempted to move 
off. 

"Come back here and pick these things up," and tlie 
captain spoke in a tone that convinced the negro he 
would do well to obey. 

The negro told his story. He was weary of the war ; 
he had been four weeks a soldier ; he wanted to see his 
family, and had concluded to go home. If the captain 
desired it, he would come back in a little while, but he 
was going home then, '■'■ any 7iow.^^ 

The officer possessed an amiable disposition, and ex- 
plained to the soldier the nature of military discipline. 
The latter was soon convinced he had done wrong, and 
returned without a murmur to his duty. Does any sol- 
dier, who reads this, imagine himself tendering his res- 
ignation in the above manner with any prospect of its 
acceptance 1 

When the first regiment of colored volunteers was 
organized in Kansas, it was mainly composed of negroes 
who had escaped from slavery in Missouri. They were 
easily discij)lined save upon a single point, and on this 
they were very obstinate. Many of the negroes in Mis- 
souri, as in other parts of the South, wear their hair> or 
wool, in little knots or braids. They refused to submit 
to a close shearing, and threatened to return to their 



436 THE NEGEOES AT MILITARY POSTS. 

masters rather than comply with the regulation. Some 
actually left the camp and went home. The officers 
finally carried their point by inducing some free negroes 
in Leavenworth, whose heads were adorned with the 
"fighting cut," to visit the camp and tell the obstinate 
ones that long locks were a badge of servitude. 

The negroes on our plantation, as well as elsewhere, 

/had a strong desire to go to Waterproof to see the sol- 
diers. Every Sunday they were permitted to go there 
to attend church, the service being conducted by one of 
their own color. They greatly regretted that the soldiers 
did not parade on that day, as they missed their oppor- 
tunities for witnessing military drills. To the negroes 
from plantations in the hands of disloyal owners, the 
military posts were a great attraction, and they would 
suffer all privations rather than return home. Some of 
them declared they would not go outside the lines under 
any consideration. We needed more assistance on our 
plantation, but it was next to impossible to induce ne- 
groes to go there after they found shelter at the military 
posts. Dread of danger and fondness for their new life 
were their reasons for remaining inside the lines. A 
portion were entirely idle, but there were many who 
adopted various modes of earning their subsistence. 
At Natchez, Vicksburg, and other points, dealers in 

I fruit, coffee, lemonade, and similar articles, could be 
found in abundance. There were dozens of j)laces 
where washing was taken in, though it was not always 
well done. Wood-sawing, house-cleaning, or any other 
kind of, work requiring strength, always found some one 



USING KEGRO TESTIMONY. 437 

ready to perform it. Many of those who found emploj^- 
ment supported themselves, while those who could not 
or would not find it, lived at the expense of Govern- 
ment. The latter class was greatly in the majority. 

I have elsewhere inserted the instructions which are 
printed in every "Plantation Record," for the guidance' 
of overseers in the olden time. "Never trust a negro," 
is the maxim given by the writer of those instructions. 
I was frequently cautioned not to l)elieve any statements 
made by negroes. They were charged with being habit- 
ual liars, and entitled to no credence whatever. Mrs. B. 
constantly assured me the negroes were great liars, and 
I must not believe them. This assurance would be gen- 
erally given when I cited them in support of any thing 
she did not desire to approve. Fer contra, she had no 
hesitation in referring to the negroes to support any of 
her statements which their testimony would strengthen. 
This was not altogether feminine wealvuess, as I knew 
several instances in which white persons of the sterner 
sex made reference to the testimony of slaves. The 
majority of Southern men refuse to believe them on all 
occasions ; but there are many who refer to them if their 
statements are advantageous, yet declare -them utterly 
unworthy of credence when the case is reversed. 

I have met many negroes who could tell falsehoods 
much easier than they could tell the truth. I have met 
others who saw no material diiference between truth 
and its opposite ; and I have met many whose state- 
ments could be fully relied upon. During his whole 
life, from the very nature of the circumstances which 



438 EXAGGERATIONS. 

surround him, the slave is trained in deception. If he 
did not learn to lie it would be exceedingly strange. It 
is my belief that the negroes are as truthful as could be 
expected from their education. White persons, under 
similar experience and training, would not be good ex- 
>amples for the young to imitate. The negroes tell many 
lies, but all negroes are not liars. Many white persons 
tell the truth, but I have met, in the course of my life, 
several men, of the Caucasian race, who never told the 
truth unless by accident. 

I found in the plantation negroes a proneness to ex- 
aggeration, in cases where their fears or desires were 
concerned. One day, a negro from the back country 
came riding rapidly to our plantation, declaring that the 
woods, a mile distant, were "full of Rebels," and ask- 
ing where the Yankee soldiers were. I questioned him 
for some time. When his fears were quieted, I ascer- 
tained that he had seen three mounted men, an hour 
before, but did not know what they were, or whether 
armed or not. 

Wlien I took the plantations, Mrs. B. told me there 
were twenty bales of cotton already j)icked ; the negroes 
had told her so. When I surveyed the place on the 
first day of my occupation, the negroes called my atten- 
tion to the picked cotton, of which they thought there 
were twenty or twenty -five bales. AVith my little ex- 
perience in cotton, I felt certain there would be not 
more than seven bales of that lot. When it was passed 
through the gin and pressed, there were but five bales. 

We wished to plant about fifty acres of corn on the 



EUSTio judgme:^'!. 439 

larger plantation. There was a triangular patch in one 
corner that we estimated to contain thirty acres. The 
foreman of the plow-gang, who had lived twenty years 
on the place, thought there were about sixty acres. He 
was surprised when we found, by actual measurement, 
that the patch contained twenty-eight acres. Another 
spot, which he thought contained twenfy acrqs, meas- 
ured less than ten. Doubtless the man's -judgment had 
been rarely called for, and its exercise, to any extent, 
was decidedly a new sensation. 

Any thing to which the negroes were unaccustomed 
became the subject of amusing calculations. The "hog- 
minder" could estimate with considerable accuracy the 
weight of a hog, either live or dressed. When I asked 
him how much he supposed his own weight to be, he 
was entirely lost. On my demanding an answer, he 
thought it might be three hundred pounds. A hundred 
and sixty would not have been far from 'the real figure. 

Incorrect judgment is just as prevalent among igno- 
rant whites as among negroes, though with the latter 
there is generally a tendency to overestimate. Where 
negroes make wrong estimates, in three cases out of four 
they will be found excessive. With whites the variation 
will be diminutive as often as excessive. In judging of 
numbers of men, a column of troops, for example, both 
races are liable to exaggerate, the negro generally going 
beyond the pale-face. Fifty mounted men may ride 
past a plantation. The white inhabitants will teU you 
a hundred soldiers have gone by, while the negroes will 
think there were two or three hundred. 



440 POWERS OF OBSERVATIOK 

I was often surprised at the ability of tlie negroes to 
tell the names of the steamboats plying on the river. 
None of the negroes could read, but many of them 
would designate the different boats with great accuracy. 
They recognized the steamers as they would recognize 
the various trees of the forest. When a new boat made 
its appearance they inquired its name, and forgot it very 
rarely. 

On one occasion a steamer came in sight, on her way 
up the river. Before she was near enough for me to 
make out tlie name on her side, one of the negroes 
declared it was the Laurel Hill. His statement proved 
correct.' It was worthy of note that the boat had not 
passed that point for nearly a year previous to that day. 



GOVERiTMENT PROTECTION 441 



CHAPTER XLll. 

THE END OP THE EXPEEIMENT. 

The Nature of our "Protection." — Trade Following the Flag,— A For- 
tunate Journey. — Our Last Visit. — Inhumanity of the Guerrillas. — 
Driving Negroes into Captivity. — Killing an Overseer. — Our Final 
Departure. — Plantations Elsewhere. 

We did not look iipon tlie post at Waterproof as a sure 
protection. There was no cavalry to make the promised 
patrol between Waterproof and the post next below it, 
or to hunt down any guerrillas that might come near. A 
few of the soldiers were mounted on mules and horses 
taken from the vicinity, but they were not effective for 
rapid movements. It was understood, and semi-officially 
announced, that the post was established for the protec- 
tion of Government plantations. The commandant as- 
sured me he had no orders to that effect. He was placed 
there to defend the post, and nothing else. We were 
welcome to any protection his presence afforded, but he 
could not go outside the limits of t^e town to make any 
effort in our behalf. 

There was a store at Waterproof which was doing a 
business of two thousand dollars daily. Every day the 
wives, brothers, or sisters of men known to belong to 
the marauding bands in the vicinity, would come to the 
town and make any purchases they pleased, frequently 



/ 



442 A BAD POLICY. 

paying for tliem in money wliicli the guenillas liad stolen. 
A gentleman, wlio was an intimate friend of General 
Thomas, was one of the proprietors of this store, and a 
son of that oflEicer was currently reported to hold an 
interest in it. After a time the ownership was trans- 
ferred to a single cotton speculator, but the trading went 
on without hinderance. This speculator told me the 
guerrilla leader had sent him a verbal promise that the 
post should not be disturbed or menaced so long as the 
store remained there. Similar scenes were enacted at 
nearly all the posts established for the "protection" of 
leased plantations. Trading stores were in full operation, 
and the amount of goods that reached the Rebels and 
their friends was enormous. 

I have little doubt that this course served to prolong 
the resistance to our arms along the Mississippi River. 
If we had stopped all commercial intercourse with the 
inhabitants, we should have removed the inducement 
for Rebel troops to remain in our vicinity. As matters 
were managed, they kept close to our lines at all the 
military posts between Cau-o and Baton Rouge, some- 
times remaining respectfully quiet, and at others making 
occasional raids within a thousand yards of our pickets. 

The absence of cavalry, and there being no prospect 
that any would arrive, led us to believe that we could not 
long remain unmolested. We were "in for it," how- 
ever, and continued to j)low and plant, trusting to good 
fortune in getting -safely through. Our misfortune came 
at last, and brought our free-labor enterprise to an un- 
timely end. 



THE LAST EAID. '443 

As I stated 'in tlie previous chapter, Colburn and 
myself made daily visits to tlie pla,ntation, remaining 
tliere for dinner, and returning to Waterproof in the 
afternoon. On Monday, May 2d, we made our usual 
visit, and returned to the post. A steamer touched 
there, on its way. to Natchez, just after our return, and 
we accepted the invitation of her captain to go to that 
place. Our journey to Natchez was purely from im- 
pulse, and without any real or ostensible business to 
call us away. It proved, personally, a very fortunate 
journey. 

On Tuesday evening, a neighbor of ours reached 
Natchez, bringing news that the guerrillas had visited 
our plantation on that day. I hastened to Waterproof 
by the first boat, and found our worst fears were realized. 

Thirty guerrillas had surrounded our house at the 
hour we were ordinarily at dinner. Tliey called our 
names, and commanded us to come out and be shot. The 
house was empty, and as there was no compliance with 
the request, a half-dozen of fhe party, pistols in hand, 
searched the building, swearing they would kill us on 
the spot. Had we been there, I have no doubt the threat 
would have been carried out. 

Failing to find us, they turned their attention to other 
matters. They caught our overseer as he was attempt- 
ing to escape toward Waterproof. He was tied upon 
his horse, and guarded until the party was ready to 
move. The teams were plowing in the field at the time 
the robbers made their appearance. Some of the ne- 
groes unloosed the mules from the plows, mounted them, 



444 THE GUERRILLAS CARRYING AWAY CHILDREN". 

and fled to Waterproof. Otliers, wlio were slow in their 
movements, were captured with the animals. Such of 
the negroes as were not captured at once, fled to the 
woods or concealed themselves about the buildings. 

Many of the negroes on the plantation were personal- 
ly known to some of the guerrillas. In most cases these 
negroes were not disturbed. Others were gathered in 
front of the house, where they were drawn up in line 
and securely tied. Some of them were compelled to 
mount the captured mules and ride between their cap- 
tors. 

Several children were thrown upon the mules, or 
taken by the guerrillas on their own horses, where they 
were firmly held. No attention was paid to the cries of 
the children or the pleadings of their mothers. Some 
of the latter followed their children, as the guerrillas 
had, doubtless, expected. In others, the maternal in- 
stinct was less than the dread of cajotivity. Among 
those taken was an infant, little more than eight months 
old. 

j Delaying but a few moments, the captors and the 
captives moved away. Nineteen of our negroes were 
carried off, of whom ten were children under eleven 
years of age. Of the nineteen, five managed to make 
their escape within a few miles, and returned home dur- 
ing the night. One woman, sixty-five years old, who 
had not for a long time been able to do any work, was 
among those driven ofl". She fell exhausted before 
walking three miles, and was beaten by the guerrillas 
until she lay senseless by the roadside. It was not for 



SPECULATING. ' 445 

several hours tliat slie recovered sufficiently to return to 
tlie -plantation and tell the story of barbarity. 

From a plantation adjoining ours, thirty negroes were 
carried away at the same time. Of these, a half-dozen 
escaped and returned. The balance, joined to the 
party from our own plantation, formed a mournful pro- 
cession. I heard of them at many points, from residents 
of the vicinity. These persons would not admit that 
the guerrillas were treating the negroes cruelly. Those 
who escaped had a frightful story to tell. .They had 
been beaten most barbarously with whips, sticks, and 
frequently with the butts of pistols ; two or three were 
left senseless by the roadside, and one old man had 
been shot, because he was too much exhausted to go 
further. I learned, a few days later, that the captured 
negroes were taken to Winnsboro', a small town in the 
interior, and there sold to a party of Texas traders. 

From our plantation the guerrillas stole twenty-four 1 
mules at the time of their visit, and an equal number 
from our neighbors. These were sold to the same party 
of traders that purchased the negroes, and there was evi- 
dently as little compunction at s]^culating in the one 
"property" as in the other. 

Our overseer, Mr. Owen, had been bound upon his 
horse and taken away. This I learned from the negroes 
remaining on the plantation. I made diligent inquiries 
of parties who arrived from the direction taken by the 
guerrillas, to ascertain, 'if possible, where he had been 
carried. One person assured me, positively, that he 
saw Mr. Owen, a prisoner, twenty miles away. Mrs. 



446 ABAKDONIKG THE COTTON-FIELD. 

Owen and five children were living at Water]3roof, and, 
of course, were mucli alarmed on hearing of his capture. 

It was on Thursday, two days after the raid, that I 
visited the plantation. Our lower plantation had not 
"been disturbed, but many of the negroes were gone, and 
all work was suspended. It was of no use to attempt 
to prosecute the planting enterprise, and we immediately 
pre]3ared to abandon the locality. The remaining ne- 
groes were set at work to shell the corn already gath- 
ered. As* fast as shelled, it was taken to Waterproof 
for shipment to market. The plows were left rusting in 
the furrows, where they were standing at the moment 
the guerrillas appeared. The heaps of cotton-seed and 
the implements used by the planting-^ang remained in 
statu quo. The cotton we planted was growing finely. 
/■To leave four hundred acres thus growing, and giving 
promise of a fine harvest, was to throw away much 
labor, but there was no alternative. 

On 'Saturday, four days after the raid, the corporal 
of a scouting party came to our plantation and said the 
body of a white man had been found in the woods a 
short distance away.^ I rode with him to the spot he des- 
ignated. The mystery concerning the fate of our over- 
seer was cleared up. The man was murdered within a 
thousand yards of the house. 

From the main road leading past our plantation, a 
path diverged into the forest. This path was taken by 
some of the guerrillas in their retreat. Following it two 
hundred yards, and then turning a short distance to the 
left, I found a small cypress-tree, not more than thirty 



THE VICTIM. 447 

feet Mgh. One limb of tliis tree drooped as it left the 
trunk, and then turned upward. The lowest part of the 
Ibend of this limb was not much higher than a tall man' s 
head. 

It was just such a tree, and just such a limb, as a 
party bent on murder would select for hanging their 
victim. I thought, and still think, that the guerrillas 
turned aside with the design of using the rope as the in- 
strument of death. Under this tree lay the remains of 
our overseer. The body was fast decomposing. A flock 
of buzzards was gathered around, and was driven away 
with difficulty. They had already begun their work, 
so that recognition under different circumstances would 
not have been easy. The skull was detached from the 
body, and lay with the face uppermost. A portion of 
the scalp adhered to it, on which a gray lock was 
visible. A bit of gray beard was clinging to the chin. 

In the centre of the forehead there was a perforation, 
evidently made by a pistol-bullet. Death must have 
been instantaneous, the pistol doing the work which the 
murderers doubtless intended to accomplish by other 
means. The body had been stripped of all clothing, 
save a single under-garment. Within a dozen yards lay 
a pair of old shoes, and close by their side a tattered and 
misshapen hat. The shoes and hat were not those 
which our overseer had worn, but were evidently dis- 
carded by the guerrillas when they appropriated the 
apparel of their victim. I caused a grave to be dug, and 
the remains placed in a rude coffin and buried. If a 
head-stone had been obtainable, I would have given the 



448 BREAKING UP THE ESTABLISHMENT. 

locality a permanent designation. The particulars of 
the murder we were never able to ascertain. 

Three days later we abandoned the plantation. We 
\ paid the negroes for the work they had done, and dis- 
charged them from further service. Those that lived on 
the plantation previous to our going there, generally 
remained, as the guerrillas had assured them they would 
be unmolested if they cultivated no cotton. A few of 
them went to Natchez, to live near their "missus." 
Those whom we had hired from other localities scattered 
in various directions. Some went to the Contraband 
Home at Davis' s Bend, others to the negro quarters at 
Natchez, others to plantations near Vidalia, and a few 
returned to their former homes. Our "family" of a 
hundred and sixty persons was thus broken up. 

We removed the widow and children of our overseer 
to Natchez, and purchased for them the stock and good- 
will of a boarding-house keeper. We sent a note to the 
leader of the guerrilla band that manifested such a desire 
to "go through" us, and informed him that we could 
be found in St. Louis or New York. Before the end 
of May we passed Vicksburg <m our Journey Due 
North. 

Most of the plantations in the vicinity of Natchez, 
Vicksburg, and Milliken' s Bend were given up. Prob- 
ably a dozen lessees were killed, and the same number 
carried to Texas. Near Vicksbui'g, the chivalric guer- 
rillas captured two lessees, and tortured them most bar- 
barously before putting them to death. They cut off 
the ears of one man, and broke his nose by a blow from 



EEBEL BAEBAKITY. 449 

a club. Thus mutilated, lie was compelled to walk three 
or four miles. When he fell, fainting from loss of blood, . 
he was tied to a tree, and the privilege of shooting him 
was sold at auction. They required his companion to 
witness these brutalities. Whenever he turned away his 
eyes, his captors pressed the point of a saber into his 
cheek. Finally, they compelled him to take a spade and 
dig his own grave. When it was finished, they stripped 
him of his clothing, and shot him as he stood by the 
brink of the newly-opened trench. 

Blanchard and Robinson, two lessees near Natchez, 
both of them residents of Boston, were murdered with | 
nearly the same fiendishness as exhibited in the preced- 
ing case. Their fate was for some time unknown. It 
was at length ascertained from a negro who was captured 
at the same time, but managed to escape. That " slavery 
makes barbarians" would seem to be well established 
by the conduct of these residents of Louisiana. 

In the vicinity of Baton Rouge and New Orleans / 
there were but few guerrillas, and the plantations gen- 
erally escaped undisturbed. In all localities the ' ' army- 
worm" made its appearance in July and August, and 
swept away almost the entire crop. Many plantations 
that were expected to yield a thousand bales did not 
yield a hundred, and some of them made less than ten. 
The appearance of this destructive worm was very sud- 
den. On some plantations, where the cotton was grow- / 
ing finely and without a trace of blight, the fields, three 
days later, appeared as if swept by fire. There was 
consequently but little cotton made during the season. 

29 



450 DETAILS OF COTTON CULTUEE. 

The possibility of producing the great staples of the 
South hy free labor was fully established. Beyond this 
there was little accomplished. 

My four months of cotton-planting was an experience 
I shall never regret, though I have no desire to renew it 
under similar circumstances. Agriculture is generally 
considered a peaceful pursuit. To the best of my recol- 
lection I found it quite the reverse. 

For the benefit of those who desire to know the 
process of cotton culture, from the planting season to 
the picking season, I give the following extract from an 
article written by Colonel T. B. Thorpe, of Louisiana, 
several years ago. After describing the process of pre- 
paring the ground and planting the seed, Colonel Thorpe 
says : — 

If the weather be favorable, the yoang plant is discovered making 
its way through in sis or ten days, and "the scraping" of the crop, as 
it is termed, now begins. A light plow is again called into requisition, 
which is run along the drill, throwing the eai^th away from the plant ; 
then come the laborers with their hoes, who dexterously cut away the 
superabundant shoots and the intruding weeds, and leave a single cot- 
ton-plant in little hills, generally two feet apart. 

Of all the labors of the field, the dexterity displayed by the negroes 
in "scraping cotton" is most calculated to call forth the admiration of 
the novice spectator. The hoe is a rude instrument, however well 
made and handled ; the young cotton-plant is as delicate as vegetation 
can be, and springs up in lines of solid masses, composed of hundreds 
of plants. The field-hand, however, will single one delicate shoot 
from the surrounding multitude, and with his rude hoe he wiU trim 
away the remainder with all the boldness of touch of a master, leaving 
the incipient stalk unharmed and alone in its glory; and at nightfall 
you can look along the extending rows, and find the plants correct in 
line, and of the r«quired distance of separation from each other. 

The planter, who can look over his field in early spring, and find hia 



THE MIDDLE OF THE SEASOK 451 

cotton "cleanly scraped" and his "stand" good, is fortunate; still, the 
vicissitudes attending the cultivation of the crop have only commenced. 
Many rows, from the operations of the "cut-worm," and from multitu- 
dinous causes unknown, have to be replanted, and an unusually late frost 
may destroy all his labors, and compel him to commence again. But, 
if no untoward accident occurs, in two weeks after the "scraping," an- 
other hoeing takes place, at which time the plow throws the furrow 
on to the roots of the now strengthening plant, and the increasing heat 
of the sun also justifying the sinking of the roots deeper in the earth. 
The pleasant mouth of May is now drawing to a close, and vegetation 
of all kinds is struggling for precedence in the fields. Grasses and 
weeds of every variety, with vines and wild flowers, luxuriate in the 
newly-turned sod, and seem to be determined to choke out of existence- 
the useful and still delicately-grown cotton. 

It is a season of unusual industry on the cotton plantations, and woe 
to the planter who is outstripped in his labors, and finds himself " over- 
taken by the grass." The plow tears up the surplus vegetation, and 
the hoe tops it off in its luxuriance. The race is a hard one, but industry 
conquers ; and when the third working-over of the crop takes place, 
the cotton-plant, so much cherished and favored, begins to overtop its 
rivals in the fields — begins to cast a chilling shade of superiority over 
its now intimidated groundlings, and commences to reign supreme. 

Through the month of July, the crop is wrought over for the last 
time ; the plant, heretofore of slow growth, now makes rapid advances 
toward perfection. The plow and hoe are still in requisition. The 
" water furrows " between the cotton-rows are deepened, leaving the 
cotton growing as it were upon a slight ridge; this accomplished, the 
crop is prepared for the "rainy season," should it ensue, and so far ad- 
vanced that it is, under any circumstances, beyond the control of art. 
Nature must now have its sway. 

The "cotton bloom," under the matured sun of July, begins to make 
its appearance. The announcement of the "first blossom" of the 
neighborhood is a matter of general interest ; it is the unfailing sign of 
the approach of the busy season of fall ; it is the evidence that soon the 
labor of man will, under a kind Providence, receive its reward. 

It should perhaps here be remarked, that the color of cotton in its 
perfection is precisely that of the blossom — a beautiful light, but warm 
creaca-color. In buying cotton cloth, the "bleached" and "un- 
bleached" are perceptibly different qualities to the most casual ob- 
server ; but the dark hues and harsh look of the " unbleached domestic " 
comes from the handling of the artisan and the soot of machinery. If 



452 A FIELD IN BLOSSOM. 

cotton, pure as it looks in the field, could be -wrought into fabrics, thej 
would have a brilliancy and beauty never yet accorded to any othei 
material in its natural or artificial state. There cannot be a doubt but 
that, in the robes of the ancient royal Mexicans and Peruvians, this 
brilliant and natural gloss of cotton was preserved, and hence the sur- 
passing value it possessed in the eyes of cavaliers accustomed to tho 
fabrics of the splendid court of Ferdinand and Isabella. 

The cotton-blossora is exceedingly delicate in its organization. It is, 
if in perfection, as we have stated, of a beautiful cream-color. It un- 
folds in the night, remains in its glory through the morn — at meridian 
it has begun to decay. The day following its birth it has changed to a 
deep red, and ere the sun goes down, its petals have fallen to the earth, 
leaving inclosed in the capacious calyx a scarcely perceptible germ. 
This germ, in its incipient and early stages, is called "a form;" in its 
more perfected state, "a boll." 

The cotton-plant, like the orange, has often on one stallc every pos- 
sible growth ; and often, on tho same limb, may sometimes be seen the 
first-opened blossom, and the bolls, from their first development as 
"forms," through every size, until they have burst open and scattered 
their rich contents to the ripening winds. 

The appearance of a well-cultivated cotton-field, if it has escaped tho 
ravages of insects and the destruction of the elements, is of singular 
beauty. Although it may be a mile in extent, still it is as carefully 
wrought as is the mold of the limited garden of the coldest climate. 
Tlie cotton-leaf is of a delicate green, large and luxuriant ; the stalk in- 
dicates rapid growth, yet it has a healthy and firm look. Viewed froin 
a distance, the perfecting plant has a warm and glowing expression. 
The size of the cotton-plant depends upon the accident of climate and 
soil. The cotton of Tennessee bears very little resemblance to the lux- 
uriant growth of Alabama and Georgia ; but even in those favored States 
the cotton-plant is not everywhere the same, for in the rich bottom- 
lands it grows to a commanding size, while in the more barren regions 
it is an humble shrub. In the rich alluvium of the Mississippi the cotton 
w'ill tower beyond the reach of the tallest "picker," and a single plant 
will contain hundreds of perfect "bolls;" in the neighboring " piney- 
woods" it lifts its humble head scarcely above the knee, and is propor- 
tionably meager in its produce of fruit. 

The growing cotton is particularly liable to accidents, and suffers 
immensely in "wet seasons" from the "rust" and "rot." Tho first 
named affects the leaves, giving them a brown and deadened tinge, and 
frequently causes them to crumble away. The "rot " attacks the " boll." 



THE ARArST-WORM. 453 

It commences by a black spot on the rind, which, increasing, seems to 
produce fermentation and decay. "Worms find their way to the roots ; 
the caterpillar eats into the " boll " and destroys the staple. It wonld 
be almost impossible to enumerate all the evils the cotton-plant is heir 
to, all of which, however, sink into nothingness compared with the 
scourge of the " army- worm." 

The moth that indicates the advent of the army-worm has a Quaker- 
like simplicity in its light, chocolate-colored body and wings, and, from 
its harnlless appearance, would never be taken for the destroyer of vast 
fields of luxuriant and useful vegetation. 

The little, and, at first, scarcely to be perceived caterpillars that fol- 
low the appearance of these moths, can absolutely be seen to grow and 
swell beneath your eyes as they crawl from leaf to leaf. Day by day 
you can see the vegetation of vast fields becoming thinner and thinner, 
while the worm, constantly increasing in size, assumes at last an unc- 
tuous appearance most disgusting to behold. Arrived at maturity, a 
few hours only are necessary for these modern locusts to eat up all liv- 
ing vegetation that comes in their way. Leaving the localities of their 
birth, they will move from place to place, spreading a desolation as 
consuming as fire in their path. 

All eflforts to arrest their progress or annihilate them prove unavail- 
ing. They seem to spring out of the ground, and fall from the clouds ; 
and the more they are tormented and destroyed, the more perceptible, 
seemingly, is their power. We once witnessed the invasion of the 
army-worm, as it attempted to pass from a desolated cotton-field to one 
untouched. Between these fields was a wide ditch, which had been 
deepened, to prove a barrier to the onward march of the worm. Down 
the perpendicular sides of the trench the caterpillars rolled in untold 
millions, "until its bottom, for nearly a mile in extent, was a foot or two 
deep in a living mass of animal life. To an immense piece of unhewn 
timber was attached a yoke of oxen, and, as this heavy log was drawn 
through the ditch, it seemed absolutely to float on a crushed mass of 
vegetable corruption. The following day, under the heat of a tropical 
sun, the stench arising from this decaying mass was perceptible the 
country round, giving a strange and incomprehensible notion of the 
power and abundance of this destroyer of the cotton crop. 

The cliange that has Ibeeii effected hy the result of 
the Rebellion, wiU not be conhned to the social sys- 
tem alone. With the end of slavery there will be a 



454 INNOVATIONS. 

destruction of many former applications of labor. In- 
novations have already been made, and their number 
will increase under the management of enterprising 
men. 

In Louisiana several planters are using a "drill" 
for depositing the cotton-seed in the ground. The labor 
of planting is reduced more than one-half, and that of 
"scraping" is much diminished. The saving of seed 
is very great — the drill using about a tenth of the 
amount required under the old system. 

One man is endeavoring to construct a machine that 
will pick cotton from the stalks, and is confident he 
will succeed. Should he do so, his patent will be of 
the greatest value. Owners of plantations have recent- 
ly offered a present of ten thousand dollars to the first 
patentee of a successful machine of this character. 



THE GREAT RIVER. 455 



CHAPTER XLIII. 

THE illSSISSIPPI AND ITS PECULIARITIES. 

Length of the Great River, and the Area it Drains. — How Itasca Lake 
obtained its Name. — The Bends of the Mississippi. — Curious Effect 
upon Titles to Real Estate. — A Story of Napoleon. — A Steamboat 
Thirty-five Years under Water. — The Current and its Variations. — 
Navigating Cotton and Corn Fields. — Reminiscences of the Islands. 

As railways are to tlie East, so are the rivers to the 
West. The Mississippi, with its tributaries, drains an 
immense region, traversed in all directions by steam- 
boats. From the Gulf of Mexico one can travel by 
water to the Rocky Mountains, or to the Alleghanies, at 
pleasure. It is estimated there are twenty thousand 
miles of navigable streams which find an outlet past the 
city of 'New Orleans. The Mississippi Valley contains 
nearly a million and a quarter square miles, and is one 
of the most fertile regions on the globe. 

To a person born and reared in the East, the Missis- 
sippi presents many striking features. Above its junc- 
tion with the Missouri, its water is clear and its banks 
are broken and picturesque. After it joins the Missouri 
the scene changes. The latter stream is of a chocolate 
hue, and its current is very rapid. All its characteris- 
tics are imparted to the combined stream. The Missis- 
sippi becomes a rapid, tortuous, seething torrent. It 
loses its blue, transparent water, and takes the complex- 



456 MAKING A NAME. 

ion of the Missouri, Tims "it goes unvexed to the 
sea." 

There is a story concerning the origin of the name 
given to the source of the Mississippi, which I do not 
rememher to have seen in print. A certain lake, which 
had long been considered the head of the Great River, 
was ascertained hy an exjDloriDg party to have no claim 
to that honor. A new and smaller lake was discovered, 
in which the Mississipi)i took its rise. The explorers 
wished to give it an appropriate name. An old wya- 
geur suggested that they make a name, by coining a 
word. 

"Will some of you learned ones tell me," said he, 
" what is the Latin word for true ? " 

" Fm^a5,"was the response. 

"Well, now, what is the Latin for lieadV 

'■^ Caput, of course." 

"jS'ow," suggested the xoyageur, "write the two 
words together, by syllables.'^ 

A strip of birch bark was the tablet on which "«er- 
i-tas-ca-puV was traced. 

" Read it out," was his next request. 

The five syllables were read. 

" iN'ow, drop the first and last syllables, and you have 
a name for this lake." 

In the Indian vernacular, "Mississippi" is said to 
signify " Great Water." "Missouri," according to some 
authorities, is the Indian for "Mud River," a most fe- 
licitous appellation. It should properly belong to the 
entire river from St. Louis to the Gulf, as that stream 



MAKING A OUT-OFF. 457 

tJetmes down many tlionsand tons of mud every year. 
During the many centuries that the Mississippi has Ibeen 
sweeping on its course, it has formed that long point of 
land known as the Delta, and shallowed the water in 
the Gulf of Mexico for more than two hundred miles. 

Flowing from north to south, the river passes through 
all the varieties of climate. The furs from the Rocky 
Mountains and the cereals of Wisconsin and Minnesota 
are carried on its hosom to the great city which stands 
in the midst of orange groves and inhales the fragrance 
of the magnolia. From January to June the floods of 
its tributaries follow in regular succession, as the open- 
ing spring loosens the snows that line their hanks. 

The events of the war have made the Mississippi his- 
toric, and familiarized the puhlic with some of its pecu- 
liarities. Its tortuosity is well known. The great Tbend 
opposite Yickshurg will he long rememhered hy thou- 
sands who have never seen it. This hend is eclipsed hy 
many others. At "Terrapin ISTeck" the river flows 
twenty-one miles, and gains only three hundred yards. 
At "Raccourci Bend" was a peninsula twenty-eight 
miles around and only half a mile across. Several years 
ago a "cut-off" was made across this peninsula, for the 
purpose of shortening the course of the river. A small 
ditch was cut, and opened when the flood was highest. 

An old steamboat-man once told me that he passed 
the upper end of this ditch just as the water was let in. 
Four hours later, as he passed the lower end, an im- 
mense torrent was rushing through the channel, and the 
tall trees were falling like stalks of grain before a sickle. 



458 THE MISSISSIPPI AN ABOLITIONIST. 

Within a week the new channel "became the regular 
route for steamboats. 

Similar "cut-offs" haye been made at various points 
along the river, some of them by artificial aid, and others 
entirely by the action of the water. The channel of the 
Mississippi is the dividing line of the States between 
which it flows, and the action of the river often changes 
the location of real estate. There is sometimes a mate- 
rial difference in the laws of States that lie opposite each 
other. The transfer of property on account of a change 
in the channel occasionally makes serious work mth 
titles. 

I once heard of a case where the heirs to an estate 
lost their title, in consequence of the property being 
transferred from Mississippi to Louisiana, by reason of 
the course of the river being changed. In the former 
State they were heirs beyond dispute. In the latter 
their claim vanished into thin au*. 

Once, while passing up the Mississippi, above Cairo, 
a fellow-passenger called my attention to a fine planta- 
tion, situated on a peninsula in Missouri. The river, in 
its last flood, had broken across the neck of the penin- 
sula. It was certain the next freshet would establish 
the channel in that locality, thus throwing the planta- 
tion into Illinois. Unless the negroes should be re- 
moved before this event they would become free. 

"You see, sir," said my iaformant, "that this great 
river is an Abolitionist." 

The alluvial soil through which the Mississippi runs 
easily yields to the action of the fierce current. The 



DISAPPEARANCE OF TOWNS. 459 

land worn away at one point is often deposited, in the 
form of a "bar or tongue of land, in tlie concave of the 
next bend. The area thus added becomes the property 
of whoever owns the river front. Many a man has seen 
his plantation steadily falling into the Mississippi, year 
by year, while a plantation, a dozen miles below, would 
annually find its area increased. Real estate on the 
banks of the Mississippi, unless upon the bluffs, has no 
absolute certainty of permanence. In several places, 
the river now flows where there were fine plantations 
ten or twenty years ago. 

Some of the towns along the Lower Mississippi are 
now, or soon will be, towns no more. At Waterproof, 
Louisiana, nearly the entire town-site, as originally laid 
out, has been washed away. In the four months I was 
in its vicinity, more than forty feet of its front disap- 
peared. Eighteen hundred and seventy will probably 
find Waterproof at the bottom of the Mississippi. Na- 
poleon, Arkansas, is following in the wake of Water- 
proof. If the distance between them were not so great, 
their sands might mingle. In view of the character Na- 
poleon has long enjoyed, the friends of morality will 
hardly regret its loss. 

The steamboat captains have a story that a quiet 
clergyman from New England landed at Napoleon, one 
morning, and made his way to the hotel. He found the 
proprietor superintending the efforts of a negro, who 
was sweeping the bar-room floor. Noticing several ob- 
jects of a spherical form among the debris of the bar- 
room, the stranger asked their character. 



460 LIGHT m ARKANSAS. 

' ' Them round things ? tliem' s eyes. The boys amused 
themselves a little last night. Reckon there's 'bout a 
pint-cup full of eyes this mornin' . Sometimes "we gets a 
quart or so, when business is good." 

Curious people were those natives of Arkansas, ten 
or twenty years ago. Schools were rare, and children 
grew up with little or no education. If there was a 
"barbarous civilization" anywhere in the United States, 
it was in Arkansas. In 1860, a man was hung at ISTapo- 
leon for reading The Tribune. It is an open question 
whether the character of the paper or the man' s ability 
to read was the reason for inliicting the death penalty. 

The current of the Mississippi causes islands to be 
destroyed in some localities and formed in others. A 
large object settling at the bottom of the stream creates 
an eddy, in which the floating sand is deposited. Un- 
der favorable circumstances an island will form in such 
an eddy, sometimes of considerable extent. 

About the year 1820, a steamboat, laden with lead, 
was sunk in mid-channel several miles below St. Louis. 
An island formed over this steamer, and a growth of 
cotton- wood trees soon covered it. These trees grew to 
a goodly size, and were cut for fuel. The island was 
cleared, and for several successive years produced fine 
crops of corn. About 1855, there was a change in the 
channel of the river, and the island disappeared. After 
much search the location of the sunken steamer was as- 
certained. By means of a diving-bell, its cargo of lead, 
which had been lying thirty-five years under earth and 
under water, was brought to light. The entu-e cargo 



OUERENT OF THE MISSISSIPPI 461 

was raised, together with a portion of the engines. The 
lead was uninjured, Ibut the engines were utterly worth- 
less after their long l)urial. 

The numerous bends of the Mississippi are of service 
in rendering the river navigable. If the channel were 
a straight line from Cairo to New Orleans, the current 
would be so strong that no boat could stem it. In sev- 
eral instances, where "cut-offs" have been made, the 
current at their outlets is so greatly increased that the 
opposite banks are washed away. New bends are thus 
formed that may, in time, be as large as those overcome. 
Distances have been shortened by "cut-offs," but the 
Mississippi displays a decided unwillingness to have its 
length curtailed. 

From St. Louis to the Red River the current of the 
Mississippi is about three miles an hour. It does not 
flow in a steady, unbroken volume. The surface is con- 
stantly ruffled by eddies and little whirlpools, caused by 
the inequalities of the bottom of the river, and the reflec- 
tion of the current from the opposite banks. As one 
gazes upon the stream, it half appears as if heated by ^ 
concealed tires, and ready to break into violent ebulli- 
tion. Tlie less the depth, the greater the disturbance of 
the current. So general is this rule, that the pilots 
judge of the amount of water by the appearance of the 
surface. Exceptions occur where the bottom, below the 
deep water, is particularly uneven. 

From its source to the mouth of Red River, the Mis- 
sissippi is fed by tributaries. Below that point, it 
throws off several streams that discharge no small por- 



462 BAYOUS m the southwest. 

tion of its waters into tlie Gulf of Mexico. These 
streams, or "Ibayous," are narrow and tortuous, "but 
generally deep, and navigable for ordinary steamboats. 
The "Atchafalaya" is the first, and enters the Gulf of 
Mexico at the bay of the same name. At one time it 
was feared the Mississippi might leave its present bed, 
and foUow the course of this bayou. Steps were taken 
to prevent such an occurrence. Bayou Plaquemine, 
Bayou Sara, Bayou La Fourche, Bayou Goula, and 
Bayou Teche, are among the streams that drain the 
great river. 

These bayous form a wonderful net- work of naviga- 
ble waters, throughout Western Louisiana. If we have 
reason to be thanliful that "great rivers run near large 
cities in all parts of the world," the people of Louisiana 
should be especially grateful for the numerous natural 
canals in that State. These streams are as frequent and 
run in nearly as many directions as railways in Massa- 
chusetts. 

During its lowest stages, the Mississippi is often forty 
feet "within its banks ;" in other words, the surface is 
forty feet below tlie level of the land which borders the 
river. It rises with the freshets, and, when "bank 
full," is level with the surrounding lowland. 

It does not always stop at this point ; sometimes it 
rises two, four, six, or even ten feet above its banks. 
The levees, erected at immense cost, are designed to pre- 
vent the overflowing of the country on such occasions. 
When the levees become broken from any cause, im- 
mense areas of country are covered with water. Plan- 



NAVIGATIKG A COTTON-FIELD. 463 

tations, swamps, forests, all are submerged. During tlie 
present year (1865) thousands of square miles have been 
flooded, hundreds of houses swept away, and large 
amounts of property destroyed. . 

During the freshet of ' 63, General Grant opened the 
levee at Providence, Louisiana, in the hope of reaching 
Bayou Mason, and thence taking his boats to Red River. 
After the levee was cut an immense volume of water 
rushed through the break. Anywhere else it would 
have been a goodly-sized river, but it was of little mo- 
ment by the side of the Mississippi. A stejamboat was 
sent to explore the flooded region. I saw its captain 
soon after his return. 

"I took my boat through the cut," said he, "with- 
out any trouble. We drew nearly three feet, but there 
was plenty of water. We ran two miles over a cotton- 
field, and could see the stalks as our wheels tore them 
up. Then I struck the plank road, and found a good 
stage of water for four' miles, which took me to the 
bayou. I followed this several miles, until I was stop- 
ped by fallen trees, when I turned about and came 
back. Coming back, I tried a cornfield, but found it 
wasn't as good to steam in as the cotton-field." 

A farmer in the Eastern or Middle States would, 
doubtless, be much astonished at seeing a steamboat 
paddling at will in his fields and along his roads. A 
similar occurrence in Louisiana does not astonish the 
natives. Steamers have repeatedly passed over regions 
where corn or cotton had been growing six months be- 
fore. At St. Louis, in 1844, small boats found no difiiculty 



464 EEMINISCENCES OF THE ISLANDS. 

in running from East St. Louis to Caseyville, nine miles 
distant. In making tliese excursions they passed over 
many excellent farms, and stopped at liouses wliose 
owners had iDeen driven to the upper rooms "by the 
water. 

Above Cairo, the islands in the Mississippi are desig- 
nated by names generally received from the early settlers. 
From Cairo to IN'ew Orleans the islands are numbered, 
the one nearest the former point being "One," and that 
nearest ISTew Orleans "One Hundred and Thirty-one." 
Island !N"umber Ten is historic, being the first and the 
last island in the great river that the Rebels attempted 
to fortify. Island Number Twenty -eight was the scene 
of several attacks by guerrillas upon unarmed trans- 
ports. Other islands have an equally dishonorable 
reputation. Fifty years ago several islands were noted 
as the resorts of robbers, who conducted an extensive 
and systematic business. Island Number Sixty-five (if I 
remember correctly) was the rendezvous of the notorious 
John A. MurreU and his gang of desperadoes. 



OBSTRUCTING THE MISSISSIPPI. 465 



CHAPTER XLIY. 

STEAMBOATING ON THE MISSISSIPPI IN PEACE AND WAR. 

Attempts to Obstruct the Great Eiver. — Chains, Booms, and Batteries. 
— A Novelty in Piloting. — Travel in the Days Before the Eebellion. 
— Trials of Speed. — The Great Race. — Travel During the War. — 
Running a Rebel Battery on the Lower Mississippi. — Incidents of 
the Occasion. — Comments on the Situation. 

No engineer lias been able to dam the Mississippi, 
except by the' easy process wliicli Jolm Plienix adopted 
on the Yuma River. General Pillow stretched a chain 
from Columbus, Kentucky, to the opposite shore, in 
order to prevent the passage of our gun-boats. The 
chain broke soon after being placed in position. 

I^ear Forts Jackson and Philip, below 'New Orleans, 
the Rebels constructed a boom to oppose the progress 
of Farragut' s fleet. A large number of heavy anchors, 
with the strongest cables, were fixed in the river. For a 
time the boom answered the desired purpose. But the 
river rose, drift-wood accumulated, and the boom at 
length went the way of all things Confederate. Farragut 
passed the forts, and" appeared before N'ew Orleans ; 
"Picayune Butler came to town," and the great city 
of the South fell into the hands of the all-conquering 
Yankees. 

Before steam power was applied to the propulsion 
of boats, the ascent of the Mississippi was very difficult. 

30 



466 CURIOSITIES OF NAVIGATION. 

From New Orleans to St. Louis, a "boat consumed from 
two to four months' time. Sails, oars, poles, and ropes 
attached to trees, were the various means of stemming 
the powerful current. Long after steamboats were in- 
troduced, many flat-boats, loaded with products of the 
Northern States, floated down the river to a market. 
At New Orleans, boats and cargoes were sold, and the 
boatmen made their way home on foot. Until twenty 
years ago, the boatmen of the Mississippi were almost 
a distinct race. At present they are nearly extinct. 

In the navigation of the Mississippi and its tributa- 
ries, the pilot is the man of greatest importance. He is 
supposed to be thoroughly familiar with the channel of 
the river in all its windings, and to know the exact loca- 
tion of every snag or other obstruction. He can gener- 
ally judge of the depth of water by the appearance of the 
surface, and he is acquainted with every headland, 
forest, house, or tree-top, that marks the horizon and tells 
Mm how to keep his course at night. Professional skill 
is only acquired by a long and careful training. 

Shortly after the occupation of Little Rock by Gen- 
eral Steele, a dozen soldiers passed the lines, without 
authority, and captured a steamboat eighteen miles be- 
low the city. Steam was raised, when the men discov- 
ered they had no pilot. One of their number hit upon a 
plan as novel as it was successful. 

The Arkansas was very low, having only three feet of 
water in the channel. Twenty-five able-bodied negroes 
were taken from a neighboring plantation, stretched in 
a line across the river, and ordered to wade against the 



STEAMBOATING m THE PALMY DATS. 467 

current. By keeping their steamer, wliicli drew only 
twenty inches, directly l)eliind the negro who sank the 
deepest, the soldiers took their prize to Little Kock with- 
out difficulty. 

For ten years previous to the outbreak of the Rehel- 
lion, steamhoating on the Mississippi was in the height 
of its glory. Where expense of construction and man- 
agement were of secondary consideration, the steamboats 
on the great river could offer challenge to the world. It 
was the boast of their officers that the tables of the great 
passenger-boats were better supplied than those of the 
best hotels in the South. On many steamers, claret, at 
dinner, was free to all. Fruit and ices were distributed 
in the evening, as well as choice cups of coffee and tea. 
On one line of boats, the cold meats on the supper-table 
were from carefully selected pieces, cooked and cooled 
expressly for the cenatory meal. Bands of music en- 
livened the hours of day, and afforded opportunity for 
dancing in the evening. Spacious cabins, unbroken by 
machinery; guards of great width, where cigars and 
small- talk were enjoyed ; well-furnished and well- 
lighted state-rooms, and tables loaded with all luxuries 
' of the place and season, rendered these steamers attract- 
ive to the traveler. Passengers were social, and partook 
of the gayety around them. Men talked, drank, smoked, 
and sometimes gambled, according to their desires. The 
ladies practiced no frigid reserve toward each other, but 
established cordial relations in the first few hours of each 
journey. 

Among the many fine and fast steamers on the West- 



468 THE GREAT EAOE. 

ern waters, there was necessarily mucli competition in 
speed. Every new boat of the first class was obliged to 
give an example of her abilities soon after her appear- 
ance. Every owner of a steamboat contends, that Tiis 
boat is the best afloat. I have rarely been on board a 
Mississippi steamer of any pretensions whose captain 
has not assured me, " She is the fastest thing afloat, sir. 

Nothing can pass her. We have beaten the , and 

the , and the , in a fair race, sir." To a stran- 
ger, seeking correct information, the multiplicity of these 
statements is perplexing. 

In 1853 there was a race from New Orleans to Louis- 
ville, between the steamers Eclqose and A. L. Sliotwell, 
on which seventy thousand dollars were staked by the 
owners of the boats. An equal amount was invested in 
"private bets" among outside parties. The two boats 
were literally "stripped for the race." They were 
loaded to the depth that would give them the greatest 
speed, and their arrangements for taking fuel were as 
complete as possible. Barges were filled with wood at 
stated points along the river, and dropped out to mid- 
stream as the steamers approached. They were taken 
alongside, and their loads of wood transferred without' 
any stoppage of the engines of the boats. 

At the end of the first twenty-four hours the Eclipse 
and Shotwell were side by side, three hundred and sixty 
miles from New Orleans. The race Avas understood to 
be won by the Eclipse, but was so close that the stakes 
were never paid. 

In the palmy days of steamboating, the charges for 



OLD CUSTOMS ABOLISHED. . 469 

way-travel were varied according to the locality. Below 
Mempliis it was tlie rule to take no single fare less than 
five dollars, even if the passenger were going but a half- 
dozen miles. Along Red River the steamboat clerks 
graduated the fare according to the parish where the 
passenger came on board. The more fertile and wealthy 
the region, the higher was tlie price of passage. . Travel- 
ers from the cotton country paid more than those from 
the tobacco country. Those from the sugar country 
paid more than any other class. With few exceptions, 
there was no "ticket" system. Passengers paid their 
fare at any hour of their journey that best suited them. 
Every man was considered honest until he gave proof to 
the contrary. . There was an occasional Jeremy Diddler, 
but his operations were very limited. 

Wlien the Rebellion began, the old customs on the 
Mississippi were swept away. The most rigid " pay-on- 
entering" system was adopted, and the man who could 
evade it must be very shrewd. The wealth along the 
Great River melted into thin ,air. The honhommie of 
travel disappeared, and was succeeded by the most 
thorough selfishness in collective and individual bodies. 
Scrambles for the first choice of state-rooms, the first 
seat at table, and the first drink at the bar, became a 
part of the new regime. The ladies were little regarded 
in the hurly-burly of steamboat life. Men would take 
possession of ladies' chau's at table, and pay no heed to 
remonstrances. 

I have seen an officer in blue uniform place his 
muddy boots on the center-table in a cabin full of ladies, 



470 . HOW TO ENJOY TRAVEL. 

and proceed to liglit a cigar. The captain of tlie boat 
suggested that the officer' s conduct was in violation of 
the rules of propriety, and received the answer : 

"I have fought to help open the Mississippi, and, by 
, I am going to enjoy it." 

The careless display of the "butt of a revolver, while 
he gave this answer, left the pleasure-seeker master of 
the situation. I am sorry to say that occurrences of a 
similar character were very frequent in the past three 
years. With the end of the war it is to be hoped that 
the character of Mississippi travel will be improved. 

In May, 1861, the Rebels blockaded the Mississippi 
at Memphis. In the same month the ISTational forces 
established a blockade at Cairo. In July, ' 63, the cap- 
ture of Vicksburg and Port Hudson removed the last 
Rebel obstruction. The Imperial was the first passen- 
ger boat to descend the river, after the reoj^ening of 
navigation. 

Up to within a few months of the close of the Rebel- 
lion, steamers plying on the river were in constant dan- 
ger of destruction by Rebel batteries. The Rebel 
Secretary of War ordered these batteries jolaced along 
the Mississippi, in the hope of stopping all travel by 
that route. His plan was unsuccessful. Equally so 
was the barbarous practice of burning passenger steam- 
boats while in motion bet^:een landing-places. On 
transports fired upon by guerrillas (or Rebels), about a 
hundred persons were killed and as many wounded. A 
due proportion of these were women and children. On 
steamboats burned by Rebel incendiaries, probably a 



UNDER FIEE. 471 

liiindred and fifty lives were lost. Tliis does not include 
the dead by the terrible disaster to the Sultana. It is 
supposed that this boat was blown up by a Kebel 
torpedo in her coal. 

It was my fortune to be a passenger on the steamer 
Yon Phul, which left N"ew Orleans for St. Louis on the 
evening of December 7th, 1863. I had been for some 
time traveling up and down the ]\iississippi, and running 
the gauntlet between Kebel batteries on either shore. 
There was some risk attending my travels, but up to 
that time I escaped unharmed. 

On the afternoon of the 8th, when the boat was about 
eight miles above Bayou Sara, I experienced a new sen- 
sation. 

• Seated at a table in the cabin, and busily engaged in 
writing, I heard a heavy crash over my head, almost in. 
stantly followed by another. My first thought was that 
the chimneys or some part of the pilot-house had fallen, 
and I half looked to see the roof of the cabin tumbling* 
in. I saw the passengers running from the cabin, and 
heard some one shout : 

"The guerrillas are firing on us." 

I collected my writing materials and sought my state- 
room, where I had left Mr. Colburn, my traveling com- 
panion, soundly asleep a few minutes before. 

He was sitting on the edge of his berth, and wonder- 
ing what all the row was about. The crash that startled 
me had awakened him. He thought the occurrence was 
of little moment, and assented to my suggestion, that we 
were just as safe there as anywhere else on the boat. 



472 AN ALAHM. 

Gallantry prevented our remaining quiet. There 
were several ladies on "board, and it behooved us to ex- 
tend tliem what protection we could. We sought them, 
and "protected" them to the best of our united ability. 
Their place of refuge was between the cabin and the 
wheel-house, opposite the battery's position. A sheet 
of wet paper would afford as much resistance to a 
paving- stone as the walls of a steamboat cabin to a 
six-pound shot. As we stood among the ladies, two 
shells passed through the side of the cabin, within a 
few inches of our heads. 

The shots grew fewer in number, and some of them 
dropped in the river behind us. Just as we thought all 
alarm was over, we saw smoke issuing from the cabin 
gangway. Then, some one shouted, " The boat is on 
fire!'' 

Dropping a lady who evinced a disposition to faint, 
I entered the cabin. A half-dozen men were there be- 
fore me, and seeking the locality of the fire. I was first 
to discover it. 

A shell, in passing through a state-room, entered a 
pillow, and scattered the feathers through the cabin. A 
considerable quantity of these feathers fell upon a hot 
stove, and the smoke and odor of their burning caused 
the alarm. 

The ladies concluded not to faint. Three minutes 
after the afiair was over, they were as calm as ever. 

The Rebels opened fire when we were abreast of their 
position, and did not cease until we were out of range. 
We were fifteen minutes witliin reach of their guns. 



DEATH OF OUR CAPTAIN". ' 473 

Our wheels seemed to turn very slowly. No one can 
express in words the anxiety with which we listened, 
after each shot, for the puffing of the engines. So long- 
as the machinery was uninjured, there was no danger 
of our falling into Rebel hands. But with our engines 
disa]Dled, our chances for capture would Ibe very good. 

As the last shot fell astern of the boat and sent up 
a column of spray, we looked ahout the cabin and saw 
that no one had been injured. A moment later came the 
announcement from the pilot-house : 

" Captain Gorman is killed ! " 

I ascended to the hurricane deck, and thence to the 
pilot-house. . The pilot, with his hat thrown aside and 
his hair streaming in the wind, stood at his post, care- 
fully guiding the boat on her course. The body of the 
captain was lying at his feet. Another man lay dying, 
close by the opening in which the wheel revolved. The 
floor was covered with blood, splinters, glass, and the 
fragments of a shattered stove. One side of the little 
room was broken in, and the other side was perforated 
where the projectiles made their exit. 

The first gun from the Rebels threw a shell which 
entered the side of the pilot-house, and struck the cap- 
tain, who was sitting just behind the pilot. Death must 
have been instantaneous. A moment later, a "spheri- 
cal-case shot" followed the shell. It exploded as it 
struck the wood-work, and a portion of the contents en- 
tered the side of the bar-keeper of the boat. In falling 
to the floor he fell against the wheel. The pilot, steering 
the boat with one hand, puUed the dying man from the 



474 * A TRYING SITUATION. 

"wlieel witli tlie other, and placed him by the side of the 
dead captain. 

Though, apparently, the pilot was as cool and undis- 
turbed as ever, his face was whiter than usual. He 
said the most trying moment of all was soon after the 
first shots were fired. Wishing to "round the bend" 
as speedily as possible,, he rang the bell as a signal to 
the engineer to check the speed of one of the wheels. 
The signal was not obeyed, the engineers having fled to 
places of safety. He rang the bell once more. He 
shouted down the speaking-tube, to enforce compliance 
with his order. 

There was no answer. The engines were caring fof 
themselves. The boat must be controlled by the rudder 
alone. With a dead man and a dying man" at his feet, 
with the Rebel shot and shell every moment perforating 
the boat or falling near it, and with no help from those 
who should control the machinery, he felt that his posi- 
tion was a painful one. 

We were out of danger. An hour later we found 
the gun-boat NeosJio, at anchor, eight miles further up 
the stream. Thinldng we might again be attacked, the 
commander of the JVeosJio offered to convoy us to Eed 
River. We accepted his offer. As soon as the Neosho 
raised sufficient steam to enable her to move, we pro- 
ceeded on our course. 

Order was restored on the Yon PJiul. Most of the 
passengers gathered in little groups, and talked about 
the recent occurrence. I returned to my writing, and 
Colburn gave his attention to a book. With the gun- 



AGAIN" UNDER FIRE. 475 

boat at our side, no one supposed there was danger of 
another attack. 

A half-liour after starting under convoy of tlie gun- 
boat, the Rebels once more opened fire. They paid no 
attention to the Neoslio^ but threw all their projectiles at 
the Von Plml. The first shell passed through the 
cabin, wounding a person near me, and grazing a post 
against which Colburn and myself were resting our 
chairs. This shell "iiVas followed by others in quick suc- 
cession, most of them passing through the cabin. One 
exploded under the portion of the cabin directly beneath 
my position. The explosion uplifted the boards with 
such force as to overturn my table and disturb the 
steadiness of my chair. 

I dreaded splinters far more than I feared the pitiless 
iron. I left the cabin, through which the shells were 
pouring, and descended to the lower deck. It was no 
better there than above. We were increasing the dis- 
tance between ourselves and the Rebels, and the shot 
began to strike lower down. N^early every shot raked 
the lower deck. 

A loose plank on which I stood was split for more 
than half its length, by a shot which struck my foot 
when its force was nearly spent. Though the skin was 
nj)t abraded, and no bones were broken, I felt the effect 
of the blow for several weeks. 

I lay down upon the deck. A moment after I had 
tp,ken my horizontal position, two men who lay against 
me were mortally wounded by a shell. The right leg 
of one was completely severed below the knee. This 



476 OUT OF DANGEE. 

shell was the last projectile that struck the forward por- 
tion of the boat. 

With a handkerchief loosely tied and twisted with a 
stick, I endeavored to stop the flow of Iblood from the 
leg of the wounded man. I was partially successful, 
but the stoppage of blood could not save the man' s life. 
He died within the hour. 

Forty-two shot and shell struck the boat. The 
escape-pipe was severed where it passed between two 
state-rooms, and filled the cabin with steam. The safe 
in the captain's oflice was perforated as if it had been 
made of wood. A trunk was broken by a shell, and its 
contents were scattered upon the floor. Splinters had 
fallen in the cabin, and were spread thickly upon the 
carpet. Every person who escaped uninjured had his 
own list of incidents to narrate. 

Out of about fifty persons on board the Von F/ml 
at the time of this occurrence, twelve were killed or 
wounded. One of the last projectiles that struck the 
boat, injured a boiler sufficiently to allow the escape of 
steam. In ten minutes our engines moved very feebly. 
We were forced to "tie up" to the eastern bank of the 
river. We were by this time out of range of the Rebel 
battery. The JVeosJw had opened fire, and by the time 
we made fast to the bank, the Rebels were in retreat. 

The NeosJio ceased firing and moved to our relief. 
Before she reached us, the steamer Atlantic came in 
sight, descending the river. We hailed her, and sh^ 
came alongside. Immediately on learning our condi- 
tion, her captain offered to tow the Von PJiul to Red 



A CHRISTIAN SEN-TIMENT. 477 

River, twenty miles distant. There we could lie, under 
j)rotection of the gun-boats, and repair the damages to 
our machinery. We accepted his offer at once. 

I can hardly imagine a situation of greater helpless- 
ness, than a place on hoard a Western passenger-steamer 
under the guns of a hostile hattery. A hattle-field is no 
comparison. On solid earth the principal danger is from 
projectiles. You can fight, or, under some circum- 
stances, can run away. On a Mississippi transport, you 
are equally in danger of Ibeing shot. Added to this, you 
may be struck by splinters, scalded by «team, burned 
by fire, or drowned in the water. You cannot fight, 
you cannot run away, and you cannot find shelter. 
With no power for resistance or escape, the sense of 
danger and helplessness cannot be set aside. 

A few weeks after the occurrence just narrated, the 
steamer Brazil, on her way from Vicksburg to Natchez, 
was fired upon by a Rebel battery near Rodney, Mis- 
sissippi. The boat was struck a half-dozen times by 
shot and shell. More than a hundred rifle-bullets were 
thrown on board. Three persons were killed and as 
many wounded. 

Among those killed on the Brazil, was a young 
woman who had engaged to take charge of a school for 
^ negro children at Natchez. The Rebel sympathizers at 
Natchez displayed much gratification at her death. On 
several occasions I heard some of the more pious among 
them declare that the hand of God directed the fatal 
missile. They prophesied violent or sudden deaths to 
all who came to the South on a similar mission. 



478 ' A EEMAEKABLE ESCAPE. 

The steamer Blade HawJz ^ras fired upon Iby a Rebel 
battery at tlie moutli of Red River. The boat ran 
aground in range of the enemy' s guns. A shell set her 
pilot-house on fire, and several persons were killed in 
the cabin. 

. Strange to say, though aground and on fire under a 
Rebel battery, the Blade Hawk was saved. By great 
exertions on the part of officers and crew, the fire was 
extinguished after the pilot-house was burned away. 
A temporary steering apparatus was rigged, and the 
boat moved from the shoal where she had grounded. 
She was a full half hour within range of the Rebel 
guns. 



THE LAKE ERIE PIRAgY. 479. 



CHAPTER XLY. 

THE AEMT CORRESPONDENT. 

The Beginning and the End. — The Lake Erie Piracy. — A Rochester 
Story. — The First War Correspondent. — Napoleon's Policy. — Wa- 
terloo and the Rothschilds. — Journalistic Enterprise in the Mexican 
War. — The Crimea and the East Indian Rebellion. — Experiences at 
the Beginning of Hostilities. — The Tender Mercies of the Insurgents. 
---In the Field. — Adventures in Missouri and Kentucky. — Corre- 
spondents in Captivity. — liow Battle-Accounts were Written. — Pro- 
fessional Complaints. 

Having lain aside my pen while engaged in planting 
cotton and entertaining guerrillas, I resumed it on com- 
ing North, after that experiment was finished. Setting 
aside my capture in New Hampshire, narrated in the 
first chapter, my adventures in the field commenced in 
Missouri in the earliest campaign. Singularly enough, 
they terminated on our Northern border. In the earlier 
days of the Rehellion, it was the jest of the correspond- 
ents, that they would, some time, find occasion to write 
war-letters from the Northern cities. The jest became a 
reality in the siege of Cincinnati. During that siege we 
wondered whether it would he possible to extend our 
labors to Detroit or Mackinaw. 

In September, 1864, the famous "Lake Erie Piracy" 
occurred. I was in Cleveland when the news of, the 
seizure of the PMlo Parsons was announced by tele- 
graph, and at once proceeded to Detroit. 



•480 BELLIGEREi^T ACTS. 

The capture of tlie Parsons was a very absurd move- 
ment on tlie part of tlie Rebels, wbo had taken refuge in 
Canada. The original design was, doubtless, the cap- 
ture of the gun-boat MicJiigan, and the release of the 
prisoners on Johnson's Island. The captors of the Par- 
sons had confederates in Sandusky, who endeavored to 
have the MicTiigan in a half-disabled condition when 
the Parsons arrived. This was not accomplished, and 
the scheme fell completely through. The two small 
steamers, the Parsons and Island Queen, were aban- 
doned after being in Rebel hands only a few hours. 

The officers of the Parsons told an interesting story 
of their seizure. Mr. Ashley, the clerk, said the boat 
left Detroit for Sandusky at her usual hour. She had a 
few jDassengers from Detroit, and received others at va- 
rious landings. The last party that came on board 
brought an old trunk . bound with ropes. The different 
parties did not recognize each other, not even when 
drinking at the bar. When near Kelly' s Island in Lake 
Erie, the various officers of the steamer were suddenly 
seized. The ropes on the trunk were cut, the lid flew 
open, and a quantity of revolvers and hatchets was 
brouglit to light. 

The pirates declared they were acting in the interest 
of the "Confederacy." They relieved Mr. Ashley of 
his pocket-book and contents, and aiDpropriated the 
money they found in the safe. Those of the passengers 
who were not "in the ring," were compelled to con- 
tribute to the representatives of the Rebel Government. 
This little affair was claimed to be "belligerent" 



TROUBLE ON THE BORDER. 481 

throughout. At Kelly's Island the passengers and crew 
were liberated on parole not to take up arms against the 
Confederacy until properly exchanged. 

After cruising in front of Sandusky, and failing to 
receive signals which they expected, the pirates returned 
to Canada with their prize. One of their "belligerent"' 
acts was to throw overboard the cargo of the Parsons, 
together with most of her furniture. At Sandwich, near 
Detroit, they left the boat, after taking ashore a piano 
and other articles. Her Majesty's officer of customs 
took possession of this stolen property, on the ground 
that it was brought into Canada without the proper 
permits from the custom-house. It was subsequently 
recovered by its owners. 

The St. Albans raid, which occurred a few months 
later, was a similar act of belligerency. It created more 
excitement than the Lake Erie pira:cy, but the questions 
involved were practically the same. That the Rebels 
had a right of asylum in Canada no one could deny, but 
there was a difference of opinion respecting the proper 
limits to those rights. The Rebels hoped to involve us 
in a controversy with England, that should result in the 
recognition of the Confederacy. This was frequently 
avowed by some of the indiscreet refugees. 

After the capture of the Parsons and the raid upon 
St. Albans, the Canadian authorities sent a strong force- 
of militia to watch the frontier. A battalion of British 
regulars was stationed at Windsor, opposite Detroit, 
early in 1864, but was removed to the interior before the 
raids occurred. The authorities assigned as a reason 

31 



482 OUE SPECIAL CORRESPOITDENT. 

for tliis removal, the desire to concentrate tlieir forces 
at some central point. The real reason was the rapid 
desertion of their men, allured by the high pay and op- 
portunity of active service in our army. In two months 
the battalion at Windsor was reduced fifteen per cent, 
by desertions alone. 

Shortly after the St. Albans raid, a paper in Roches- 
ter announced a visit to that city by a cricket-club from 
Toronto. The paragraph was written somewhat ob- 
scurely, and jestingly spoke of the Toronto men as 
"raiders." The paper reached ISTew York, and so 
alarmed the authorities that troops were at once ordered 
to Rochester and other points on the frontier. The mis- 
apprehension was discovered in season to prevent the 
actual moving of the troops. 



With the suppression of the Rebellion the mission 
of the war correspondent was ended. Let us all hope 
that his services will not again be required, in this 
country, at least, during the present century. The pub- 
lication of the reports of battles, written on the field, 
and frequently during the heat of an engagement, was a 
marked feature of the late war. "Our Special Corre- 
spondent" is not, however, an invention belonging to 
this important era of our history. 

His existence dates from the days of the Greeks and 
Romans. If Homer had witnessed the battles which he 
described, he would, doubtless, be recognized as the 
earliest war correspondent. Xenophon was the first 



HISTOEY OF WAR CORRESPON'DEITOE. 483 

regular correspondent of wMcli we have any record- 
He achieved an enduring fame, which is a just tribute 
to the man and his profession. 

During the Middle Ages, the Crusades afforded fine 
opportunities for the war correspondents to display 
their abilities. The prevailing ignorance of those times 
is shown in the absence of any reliable accounts of the 
Holy Wars, written by journalists on the field. There 
was no daily press, and the mail communications were 
very unreliable. Down to the nineteenth century, 
Xenox^hon had no formidable competitors for the honors 
which attached to his. name. 

The elder Napoleon always acted as his own "Spe- 
cial." His bulletins, by rapid post to Paris, were gen- 
erally the first tidings of his brilliant marches and vic- 
tories. His example was thought worthy of imitation 
by several military officials during the late Rebellion. 
Rear- Admiral Porter essayed to excel ll^ajjoleon in send- 
ing early reports of battles for public perusal. "I have 
the honor to inform the Department," is a formula with 
which most editors and printers became intimately ac- 
quainted. The admiral's veracity was not as conspicu- 
ous as his eagerness to push his reports in print. 

At Waterloo there was no regular correspondent of 
the London press. Several volunteer writers furnished 
accounts of the battle for publication, whose accuracy 
has been called in question. Wellington's official dis- 
patches were outstripped by the enterprise of a London 
banking-house. The Rothschilds knew the result of the 
battle eight hours before Wellington' s courier arrived. 



484 MEXICO AND THE OKIMEA. 

Carrier pigeons were used to convey the intelligence. 
During the Rel)ellion, Wall Street speculators endeav- 
ored to imitate the policy of the Rothschilds, Ibut were 
only partially successful. 

In the war "between Mexico and the United States, 
"Our Special" was actively, though not extensively, 
employed. On one occasion, Tlie Herald obtained its 
news in advance of the official dispatches to the Gov- 
ernment. The magnetic telegraph was then unknown. 
Horse-flesh and steam were the only means of transmit- 
ting intelligence.* If we except the New Orleans Tica- 
yune, The Herald was the only paper represented in 
Mexico during the campaigns of Scott and Taylor. 

During the conflict between France and England on 
the one hand, and Russia on the other, the journals of 
London and Paris sent their representatives to the 
Crimea. The London Times, the foremost paj^er of 
Europe, gave Russell a reputation he will long retain. 
The "Thunderer's" letters from the camp before Sebas- 
topol became known throughout the civilized world. 
A few years later, the East Indian rebellion once more 
called the London specials to the field. In giving the 
history of the campaigns in India, TJie Times and its 
representative overshadowed all the rest. 

Just before the commencement of hostilities in the 
late Rebellion, the leading journals of New York were 
well represented in the South. Each day these ]papers 
gave their readers full details of all important events 
that transpired in the South. The correspondents that 
witnessed the firing of the Southern heart had many 



TENDER MERCIES OF THE INSURGENTS. 485 

adventures. Some of tlieni narrowly escaped witti tlieir 
lives. 

At Richmond, a crowd visited the Spottswood 
House, with the avowed intention of hanging a Herald 
correspondent, who managed to escape through a hack 
door of the huilding. A representative of Tlie Tribune 
was summoned before the authorities at Charleston, on 
the charge of being a Federal spy. He was cleared of 
the charge, but advised to proceed North as early as 
possible. When he departed. Governor Pickens re- 
quested him, as a particular favor, to ascertain the name 
of Tlie Tribune correspondent, on arrival in New York, 
and inform him by letter. He promised to do so. On 
reaching the North, he kindly told Governor Pickens 
who Tlie Tribune correspondent was. 

A Times correspondent, passing through Harper's 
Ferry, found himself in the hands of '' the Chivalry," who 
proposed to hang him on the general charge of being an 
Abolitionist. He was finally released without injury, 
but at one time the chances of his escape were small. 

The New Orleans correspondent of Tlie Tribune 
came North on the last passenger-train from Richmond 
to Aquia Creek. One of TJie Her aW s representatives 
was thrown into prison by Jefi". Davis, but released 
through the influence of Pope Walker, the Rebel Secre- 
tary of War. Another remained in the South until all 
regular communication was cut off. He reached the 
North in safety by the line of the "underground rail- 
way." 

When the Rebellion was fairly inaugurated, the va- 



486 AiT EVEi^TFUL LITE. 

rious points of interest were at once visited by tlie corre- 
spondents of the press. Wherever our armies operated, 
the principal dailies of ISTew York and other cities were 
represented. Washington was the center of gravity 
around which the Eastern correspondents revolved. As 
the army advanced into Virginia, every movement was 
carefully chronicled. The competition between the dif- 
ferent journals was very great. 

In the West the field was broader, and the compe- 
tition, though active, was less bitter than along the 
Potomac. In the early days, St. Louis, Cairo, and Louis- 
ville were the principal Western points where corre- 
spondents were stationed. As our armies extended 
their operations, the journalists found their field of labor 
enlarged. St. Louis lost its importance when the Rebels 
were driven from Missouri. For a long time Cairo was 
the principal rendezvous of the journalists, but it be- 
came less noted as our armies pressed forward along the 
Mississippi. 

Every war- correspondent has his story of experiences 
in the field. Gathering the details of a battle in the 
midst of its dangers ; sharing the privations of the camp 
and the fatigues of the march ; riding with scouts, and 
visiting the skirmishers on the extreme front ; journey- 
ing to the rear through regions infested by the enemy's 
cavalry, or running the gauntlet of Rebel batteries, his 
life was far from monotonous. Frequently the corre- 
spondents acted as volunteer aids to generals during 
engagements, and rendered important service. They 
often took the muskets of fallen soldiers and used them 



PEESOFAL ADVENTUEES. 487 

to advantage. On tlie water, as on land, tliey sustained 
their reputation, and proved . tliat the hand which 
wielded the pen was able to wield the sword. They 
contributed their proportion of killed, wounded, and 
captured to the casualties of the war. Some of them 
accepted commissions in the army and navy. 

During the campaign of General Lyon in Missouri, 
the journalists who accompanied that army were in the 
habit of riding outside the lines to find comfortable 
quarters for the night. Frequently they went two or 
three miles ahead of the entire column, in order to make 
sure of a good dinner before the soldiers could overtake 
them. One night two of them slept at a house three 
miles from the road which the army was following. The 
inmates of the mansion were unaware of the vicinity of 
armed "Yankees," and entertained the strangers with- 
out question. Though a dozen Rebel scouts called at 
the house before daylight, the correspondents were un- 
disturbed. After that occasion they were more cautious 
in their movements. 

In Kentucky, during the advance of Kirby Smith 
upon Cincinnati, the correspondents of Tlie Gazette and 
Tlie Commercial were captured by the advance-guard 
of Rebel cavalry. Their baggage, money, and watches 
became the property of their captors. The correspond- 
ents were released, and obliged to walk about eighty 
miles in an August sun. A short time later, Mr. Shanks 
and Mr. Westfall, correspondents of The Herald^ were 
made acquainted with John Morgan, in one of the raids 
of that famous guerrilla. The acquaintance resulted in 



488 JOURNALISTS m EEBEL HANDS. 

a thorough depletion of the wardrobes of the captured 
gentlemen. 

In Virginia, Mr. CadwaUader and Mr. Fitzpatrick, of 
Tke Herald, and Mr. Crounse, of TJie Times, were cap- 
tured by Mosbj, and liberated after a brief detention 
and a complete relief of every thing portable and valua- 
ble, down to their vests and pantaloons. Even their 
dispatches were taken from them and forwarded to 
Kichmond. A portion of these reports found their way 
into the Richmond papers. Stonewall Jackson and 
Stuart were also fortunate enough to capture some of 
the representatives of the Press. At one time there were 
five correspondents of The Herald in the hands of the 
Rebels. One of them, Mr. Anderson, was held more 
than a year.- He was kept for ten days in an iron dun- 
geon, where no ray of light could penetrate. 

I have elsewhere alluded to the capture of Messrs. 
Richardson aiid Browne, of TJie Tribune, and Mr. Col- 
burn, of The World, in front of Vicksburg. The story 
of the captivity and perilous escape of these representa- 
tives of Tlie Tribune reveals a patience, a fortitude, a 
daring, and a fertility of resource not often exceUed. 

Some of the most graphic battle-accounts of the war 
were written very hastily. During the three days' bat- 
tle at Gettysburg, Tlie Herald pubHshed each morning 
the detaUs of the fighting of the previous day, down 
to the setting of the sun. This was accomplished by 
having a correspondent with each corps, and one at 
head-quarters to forward the accounts to the neai'est 
telegraj-)h office. At Antietam, Tlie Tribune correspond- 



WRITING UNDER DEETIOULTIES. 489 

ent viewed the "battle by day, and tlien hurried from 
the field, writing the most of Ms account on a railway 
train. From Fort Donelson the correspondents of Tlie 
World and Tlie Tribune went to Cairo, on a hospital boat 
crowded with wounded. Their accounts were written 
amid dead and suffering men, but when published they 
bore little evidence of their hasty preparation. 

I once wrote a portion of a letter at the end of a 
medium-sized table. At the other end of the table a 
party of gamblers, with twenty or thirty spectators, 
were indulging in " Chuck-a-Luck." I have known 
dispatches to be written on horseback, but they were 
very brief, and utterly illegible to any except the writer. . 
Much of thfe press correspondence during the war was 
written in railway cars and on steamboats, and much on 
camp-chests, stumps, or other substitutes for tables. I 
have seen a half-dozen correspondents busily engaged 
with their letters at the same moment, each of them resting 
liis port-folio on his knee, or standing upright, with no 
support whatever. On one occasion a fellow-journalist 
assured me that the broad chest of a slumbering confrere 
made an excellent table, the undulations caused by the 
sleeper's breathing being the only objectionable feature. 

Sometimes a correspondent reached the end of a long 
ride so exhausted as to be unable to hold a pen for ten 
consecutive minutes. In such case a short-hand writer 
was employed, when accessible, to take down from rapid 
dictation the story of our victory or defeat. 

Under all the disadvantages of time, place, and cir- 
cumstances, of physical exhaustion and mental anxiety, 



490 THE COREESPONDENTS' COMPLAINT. 

it is greatly to the correspondents' credit that they wrote 
so well. Battle-accounts were frequently published that 
would be no mean comparison to the studied pen-pictures 
of the famous writers of this or any other age. They 
were extensively copied by the press of England and 
the Continent, and received high praise for their vivid 
portrayal of the battle-field and its scenes. Apart from 
the graphic accounts of great battles, they furnished 
materials from which the historians will write the en- 
during records of the war. With files of the New York 
dailies at his side, an industrious writer could compile a 
history of the Rebellion, complete in all its details. 

It was a general complaint of the correspondents that 
their profession was never officially recognized so as to 
give them an established position in the army. They 
received passes from head-quarters, and could generally 
go where they willed, but there were many officers who 
chose to throw petty but annoying restrictions around 
them. As they were generally situated throughout the 
army, they were, to some extent, dependent upon official 
courtesies. Of course, this dependence was injurious to 
free narration or criticism when any officer had conducted 
improperly. 

If there is ever another occasion for the services of 
the war correspondent on our soil, it is to be hoped 
Congress will pass a law establishing a position for the 
journalist's, fixing their status in the field, surrounding 
them with all necessary restrictions, and authorizing 
them to purchase supplies and forage from the proper 
departments. During the Crimean war, the correspond- 



BONHOMME. 491 

ents of the French and English papers had a recognized 
position, where they were subject to the same rules, and 
entitled to the same privileges, as the officers they ac- 
companied. When Sir George Brown, at Eupatoria, 
forhade any officer appearing in public with unshaven 
chin, he made no distinction in favor of the members of 
the Press. 

Notwithstanding their fierce competition in serving 
the journals they represented, the correspondents with 
our army were generally on the most friendly terms 
with each other. Perhaps this was less the case in the 
East than in the West, where the rivalry was not so 
intense and continuous. In the armies in the Mississippi 
Yalley, the representatives of competing journals fre- 
quently slept, ate, traveled, and smoked together, and 
not unfrequently drank from the same flask with equal 
relish. In the early days, "Room 45," in the St. 
Charles Hotel at Cairo, was the resort of all the corre- 
spondents at that point. There they laid aside their 
professional jealousies, and passed their idle hours in 
effi)rts for mutual amusement. On some occasions the 
floor of the room would be covered, in the morning, 
with a confused mass of boots, hats, coats, and other 
articles of masculine wear, out of which the earliest riser 
would array himself in whatever suited his fancy, with- 
out the slightest regard to the owner. "Forty-five" 
was the neutral ground where the correspondents plan- 
ned campaigns for aU the armies of the Union, arranged 
the downfall of the Rebellion, expressed their views of 
military measures and military men, exulted over sue- 



492 • POST BELLUM. 

cesses, monrned oyer defeats, and toasted in full glasses 
tlie flag tliat our soldiers upheld. 

Since the close of the war, many of the correspond- 
ents have taken positions in the offices of the journals 
they represented in the field. Some have established 
papers of their own in the South, and a few have retired 
to other civil pursuits. Some are making professional 
tours of the Southern States and recording the status of 
the people lately in rebellion. T7ie Herald has sent 
several of its attaclies to the European capitals, and 
promises to clironicle in detail the next great war in 
the Old World. 



POPULATION OF THE SOUTH. 493 



CHAPTER XLYI. 

THE PRESENT CONDITION OP THE SOUTH. 

Scarcity of the Population. — Fertility of the Country. — Northern Men 
akeady in the South.^-Kansas Emigrants Crossing Missouri. — Change 
of the Situation. — Present Disadvantages of Emigration. — Feeling of 
the People. — Property-Holders in Eichmond. — The Sentiment in 
North Carolina. — South Carolina Chivalry. — The Effect of War. — 
Prospect of the Success of Free Labor. — Trade in the South. 

The suppression of tlie Rebellion, and tlie restoration 
of peace tlirougliout tlie entire Soutli, have opened a 
large field for emigration. The white population of the 
Southern States, never as dense as that of the JSTorth, 
has been greatly diminished in consequence of the war. 
In many localities more than half the able-bodied male 
inhabitants have been swept away, and everywhere the 
loss of men is severely felt. The breaking up of the 
former system of labor in the cotton and sugar States 
will hinder the progress of agriculture for a considerable 
time, but there can be little doubt of its beneficial effect 
in the end. The desolation that was spread in the track 
of our armies will be apparent for many years. The 
South will ultimately recover from all her calamities, 
but she will need the energy and capital of the !N"orthern 
States to assist her. 

During the progress of the war, as our armies pene- 
trated the fertile portions of the "Confederacy," many 



494 SETTLING m DIXIE. . 

of our soldiers cast longing eyes at the prospective 
wealth around them. "When the war is over we will 
come here to live, and show these people something 
they never dreamed of," was a frequent remark. Men 
born and reared in the extreme North, were amazed at 
the luxuriance of Southern verdure, and wondered that 
the richness of the soil had not been turned to greater 
advantage. It is often said in New England that no 
man who has once visited the fertile West ever returns 
to make his residence in the Eastern States. Many who 
have explored the South, and obtained a knowledge of 
its resources, will be equally reluctant to dwell in the 
regions where their boyhood days were passed. 

While the war was in progress many Northern men 
purchased plantations on the islands along the Southern 
coast, and announced their determination to remain there 
permanently. After the capture of New Orleans, busi- 
ness in that city passed into the hands of Northerners, 
much to the chagrin of, the older inhabitants. When 
the disj)osition of our army and the topography of the 
country made the lower portion of Louisiana secure 
against Rebel raids, many plantations in that locality 
were purchased outright by Northern speculators. I 
have elsewhere shown how the cotton culture was ex- 
tensively carried on by "Yankees," and that failure 
was not due to their inability to conduct the details of 
the enterprise. 

Ten j^ears ago, emigration to Kansas was highly pop- 
ular. Aid Societies were organized in various localities, 
and the Territory was rapidly filled. Political influ- 



MSSOURI AS A SLAVE STATE. 495 

ences had mucli to do with this emigration from hoth 
N'orth and South, and many implements carried loy the 
emigrants were not altogether agricultural in their char- 
acter. The soil of Kansas was known to be fertile, and 
its climate excellent. The Territory presented attrac- 
tions to settlers, apart from political considerations. 
But in going thither the emigrants crossed a region 
equally fertUe, and possessing superior advantages in 
its proximity to a market. No State in the Union could 
boast of greater possibilities than Missouri, yet few 
travelers in search of a home ventured to settle within 
her limits. 

The reason was apparent. Missouri was a slave 
State, though bounded on three sides by free soil. Few 
Northern emigrants desired to settle in the midst of 
slavery. The distinction between the ruling and labor- 
ing classes was not as great as in the cotton States, but 
there loas a distinction beyond dispute. Whatever his 
blood or complexion, the man who labored with his 
hands was on a level, or nearly so, with the slave. 
Thousands passed up the Missouri Eiver, or crossed the 
northern portion of the State, to settle in the new Terri- 
tory of Kansas. When political. influences ceased, the 
result was still the same. The Hannibal and St. Joseph 
Railway threw its valuable lands into the market, but 
with little success. 

With the suppression of the late Rebellion, and the 
abolition of slavery in Missouri, the situation is mate- 
rially changed. From Illinois, Ohio, and Indiana, there 
is a large emigration to Missouri. I was recently in- 



496 WESTWARD TRAVEL. 

formed that forty families from a single county in Ohio 
had sent a delegation to Missouri to look out suitable 
locations, either of wild land or of farms under cultiva- 
tion. There is every prospect that the State will be rap- 
idly filled with a j>opulation tliat believes in freedom 
and in the dignity of labor. She has an advantage over 
the other ex-slave States, in lying west of the populous 
regions' of the North. Hitherto, emigration has general- 
ly followed the great isothermal lines, as can be readily 
seen when we study the population of the Western 
States. Northern Ohio is more New Englandish than 
Southern Ohid, and the parallel holds good in Northern 
and Southern Illinois. There will undoubtedly be a 
large emigration to Missouri in preference to the other 
Southern States, but our whole migratory element will 
not find accommodation in her limits. The entire South 
will be overrun by settlers from the North. 

Long ago, Puncli gave advice to persons about to 
marry. It was all comprised in the single word, 
"Don't." Whoever is in haste to emigrate to the 
South, would do well to consider, for a time, this brief, 
but empliatic counsel. No one should think of leaving 
the Northern States, until he has fairly considered the 
advantages and disadvantages of the movement. If he 
departs with the expectation of finding every thing to 
his liMng, he will be greatly disappointed at the result. 

There will be many difficulties to overcome. The 
people now residing in the late rebellious States are 
generally impoverished. They have little money, and, 
in many cases, their stock and valuables of all kinds 



THE SENTIMENT IN RICHMOND. 497 

have been swept away. Their farms are often without 
fences, and their farming-tools worn out, disabled, or 
destroyed. Their system of labor is broken up. The 
negro is a slave no longer, and the transition from bond- 
age to freedom will afi'ect, for a time, the producing in- 
terests of the South. 

Though the Rebellion is suppressed, the spirit of dis- 
content still remains in many localities, and will retard 
the .process of reconstruction. The teachings of blavery 
have made the men of the South bitterly hostile to 
those of the North. This hostility was carefully nur- 
tured by the insurgent leaders during the Rebellion, 
and much of it still exists. In many sections of the 
South, efforts will be made to prevent immigration 
from the North, through a fear that the old inhabitants 
will lose their political rights. 

At the time I am writing, the owners of property in 
Richmond are holding it at such high rates as to repel 
Northern purchasers. Letters from that city say, the resi- 
dents have determined to sell no property to Northern 
men, when they can possibly avoid it. No encourage- 
ment is likely to be given to Northern farmers and arti- 
sans to migrate thither. A scheme for taking a large num- 
ber of European emigrants directly from foreign ports to 
Richmond, and thence to scatter them throughout Vir- 
ginia, is being considered by the Virginia politicians. 
The wealthy men in the Old Dominion, who were Seces- 
sionists for the sake of secession, and who gave every 
assistance to the Rebel cause, are opposed to the admis- 
sion of Northern settlers. They may be unable to pre- 

32 



498 THE "CniVALKY." 

vent it, "but they will be none the less earnest in their 
efforts. 

This feeling extends throughout a large portion of 
Virginia, and exists in the other States of the South. Its 
intensity varies in different localities, according to the 
extent of the slave population in the days before the 
war, and the influence that the Radical men of the South 
have exercised. While Virginia is unwilling to receive 
strangers, North Carolina is manifesting a desire to fill 
her territory with Northern capital and men. She is al- 
ready endeavoring to encourage emigration, and has 
offered large quantities of land on liberal terms. In 
Newborn, Wilmington, and Raleigh, the Northern ele- 
ment is large. Newbern is "Yankeeized" as much as 
New Orleans. Wilmington bids fair to have intimate 
relations with New York and Boston. An agency has 
been established at Raleigh, under the sanction of the 
Governor of the State, to secure the immediate occupa- 
tion of farming and mining lands, mills, manufactories, 
and all other kinds of real estate. Northern capital and 
sinew is already on its way to that region. The great 
majority of the North Carolinians approve the move- 
ment, but there are many persons in the State who equal 
the Virginians in their hostility to innovations. 

In South Carolina, few beside the negroes will wel- 
come the Northerner with open arms. The State that 
hatched the secession egg^ and proclaimed herself at all 
times first and foremost for the perpetuation of slavery, 
will not exult at the change which circumstances have 
wrought. Her Barnwells, her McGraths, her Rhetts, 



WAR AISTD DEVASTATION". 499 

and her Hamptons declared they would perish in the 
last ditch, rather than submit. Some of them have per- 
ished, but many still remain. Having been life-long 
opponents of Northern policy, Northern industry, and 
Northern enterprise, they will hardly change their opin- 
ions until taught by the logic of events. 

Means of transportation are limited. On the railways 
the tracks are nearly worn out, and must be newly laid 
before they can be used with their old facility. Ilolling 
stock is disabled or destroyed. Much of it must be 
wholly replaced, and that which now remains must un- 
dergo extensive repairs. Depots and machine-shops 
have been burned, and many bridges are bridges no 
longer. On the smaller rivers but few steamboats are 
running, and these are generally of a poor cl?iss. 
Wagons are far from abundant, and mules and horses 
are very scarce. The wants of the armies have .been 
supplied with little regard to the inconvenience of the 
people. 

Corn-mills, saw-mills, gins, and factories have fed the 
flames. Wherever our armies penetrated they spread 
devastation in their track. Many portions of the South 
were not visited by a hostile force, but they did not , 
escaioe the effects of war. Southern Georgia and Florida 
suffered little from the presence of the Northern armies, 
but the scarcity of provisions and the destitution of 
the people are nearly as great in tJiat region as else- 
where. 

Until the present indignation at their defeat is passed 
away, many of the Southern people will not be inclined 



500 IMPEDIMENTS TO EMIGRATIOK 

to give any countenance to the employment of freed 
negroes. They believe slavery is the proper condition 
for the negro, and declare that any system based on free 
labor will prove a failure. This feeling will not be gen- 
eral among the Southern people, and will doubtless be 
removed in time. 

The transition fi'om slavery to freedom will cause 
some irregularities on the part of the colored race. I do 
not apprehend serious trouble in controlling the negro, 
and believe his work will be fully avaiLable throughout 
the South. It is natural that he should desire a little 
holiday with his release from bondage. For a time 
many negroes will be idle, and so will many white men 
who have returned from the Kebel armies. According 
to present indications, the African race displays far more 
industry than the Caucasian throughout the Southern 
States. Letters from the South say the negroes are at 
work in some localities, but the whites are everywhere 
idle. 

Those who go to the South for purposes of traffic 
may or may not be favored with large profits. All the 
products of the mechanic arts are very scarce in the in- 
terior, while in the larger towns trade is generally over- 
done. Large stocks of goods were taken to all places 
accessible by water as soon as the ports were opened. 
Tlie supply exceeded the demand, and many dealers 
suffered heavy loss. From Richmond and other points 
considerable quantities of goods have been reshipped 
to New York, or sold for less than cost. Doubtless the 
trade with the South will ultimately be very large, but 



HEAR BOTH SIDE^ 501 

it cannot spring up in a day. Money is needed "before 
speculation can be active. A year or two, at the least, 
will be needed to fill tlie Southern pocket. 

So much for the dark side of the picture. Emigrants 
are apt to listen to favorable accounts of the region 
whither they are bound, while they close their ears to 
all stories of an unfavorable character. To insure a 
hearing of both sides of the question under discussion, 
I have given the discouraging arguments in advance of 
all others. Already those who desu-e to stimulate travel 
to the South, are relating wonderful stories of its fer- 
tility and its great advantages to settlers. No doubt 
they are telling much that is true, but they do not 
tell all the truth. Every one has heaard the statement, 
circulated in Ireland many years since, that America 
abounded in roasted pigs that ran about the streets, car- 
rying knives and forks in their mouths, and making 
vocal requests to be devoured. Notwithstanding the 
absurdity of the story, it is reported to have received 
credit. 

The history of every emigration scheme abounds in 
narratives of a brilliant,^ though piscatorial, character. 
The interior portions of all the Western States are of 
wonderful fertility, and no inhabitant of that region has 
any hesitation in announcing tl;ie above fact. But not 
one in a hundred will state frankly his distance from 
market, and the value of wheat and corn at the points 
of their production. In too many cases the bright side 
of the story is sufficient for the listener. 

J once traveled in a railway car where there were a 



502 AN IMPERTINENT QUESTION. 

dozen emigrants from tlie New England States, seeking 
a home in tlie West. An agent of a county in Iowa was 
endeavoring to call tlieir attention to the great advan- 
tages which his region afforded. He told them of the 
fertility of the soil, the amount of corn and wheat that 
could be produced to the acre, the extent of lahor need- 
ed for the production of a specified quantity of cereals, 
the abundance of timber, and the propinquity of fine 
streams, with many other brilliant and seductive stories. 
The emigrants listened in admiration of the Promised 
Land, and were on the point of consenting to follow the 
orator. 

I ventured to ask the distance from those lands to a 
market where the products could be sold, and the prob- 
able cost of transportation. 

The answer was an evasive one, but was sufficient to 
awaken the suspicions of the emigrants. My question 
destroyed the beautiful picture which the voluble agent 
had drawn. 

Those who desire to seek their homes in the South 
will do well to remember that baked pigs are not likely 
to exist in abundance in the iiegions traversed by the 
National armies. 



OTEECOMING OBSTACLES. 503 



CHAPTER XLVII. 

HOW DISADVANTAGES MAT BE OVERCOilE. 

Conciliating the People of the South. — Eailway Travel and its Improve- 
ment. — Eebuilding Steamboats. — Replacing "Working Stock. — The 
Condition of the Plantations. — Suggestions about Hasty Departures. 
— Obtaining Information. — The Attractions of Missouri. 

The liinderances I have mentioned in tlie way of 
Southern emigration are of a temporary character. 
The opposition of the hostile portion of the Southern 
people can l)e overcome iii time. When they see there 
is no possible hope for them to control the JS'ational 
policy, when they fully realize that slavery is ended, 
and ended forever, when they discover that the negro 
will work as a free man with advantage to his employer, 
they will become more amiable in disposition. Much 
of their present feeling arises from a hope of compelling 
a return to the old relation of master and slave. When 
this hope is completely destroyed, we shall have accom- 
plished a great step toward reconstruction. A practical 
knowledge of Northern industry and enterprise will 
convince the people of the South, unless their hearts are 
thoroughly hardened, that some good can come out of 
Nazareth. They may never establish relations of great 
intimacy with their new neighbors, but their hostility 
will be diminished to insignificance. 



504 SOUTHERN" EAILWAYS. 

Some of tlie advocates of the "last ditcli" theory, 
who have sworn never to live in the United States, will, 
doubtless, depart to foreign lands, or follow the example 
of the Virginia gentleman who committed suicide on 
ascertaining the hopelessness of the Rebellion. Failing 
to do either of these things, they must finally acquiesce 
in the supremacy of National authority. 

The Southern railways will be repaired, their rolling 
stock replaced, and the routes of travel restored to the 
old status. All cannot be done at once, as the destruc- 
tion and damage have been very extensive, and many 
of the companies are utterly impoverished. From two. 
to five years will elapse before passengers and freight 
can be transported with the same facility, in all direc- 
tions, as before the war. 

Under a more liberal policy new lines will be opened, 
and the various portions of the Southern States become 
accessible. During the war two railways were con- 
structed under the auspices of the Rebel Government, 
that will prove of great advantage in coming years. 
These are the lines from Meridian, Mississippi, to Selma, 
Alabama, and from Danville, Virginia, to Greens- 
borough, North Carolina. A glance at a railway map 
of the Southern States will show their importance. 

On many of the smaller rivers boats are being im- 
provised by adding wheels and motive power to ordi- 
nary scows. In a half-dozen years, at the furthest, we 
will, doubtless, see the rivers of the Southern States 
traversed by as many steamers as before the war. On 
the Mississippi and its tributaries the destruction of 



THE PRESENT CONDITION". 505 

steamlDoat property was very great, but the loss is 
rapidly being made good. Since 1862 many fine boats 
have been constructed, some of them larger and more 
costly than any that existed during the most prosperous 
days before the Rebellion. On the Alabama and other 
rivers, efforts are being made to restore the steamboat 
fleets to their former magnitude. 

Horses, mules, machinery, and farpiing implements 
must and will be supplied out of the abundance in the 
North. The want of mules will be severely felt for 
some years. ISTo Yankee has yet been able to invent a 
machine that will create serviceable mules to order. We 
must wait for their production by the ordinary means, 
and it will be a considerable time before the supply ii 
equal to the demand. Those who turn, their attention to 
stock-raising, during .the next ten or twenty years, can 
always be certain of finding a ready and remunerative 
market. 

The Southern soil is as fertile as ever. Cotton, rice, 
corn, sugar, wheat, and tobacco can be produced in their 
former abundance. Along the Mississippi the levees 
must be restored, to protect the plantations from floods. 
This will be a work of considerable magnitude, and, 
without extraordinary effort, cannot be accomplished for 
several years. Everywhere fences must be rebuilt, and 
many buildings necessary in preparing products for 
market must be restored. Time, capital, energy, and 
patience will be needed to develop anew the resources 
of the South. Properly applied, they will be richly 
rewarded. 



506 OBTAINING IITFOEMATION". 

'No person should be liasty in liis departure, nor rusli 
"blindly to the promised land. Thousands went to Cal- 
ifornia, in '49 and '50, with the impression that the gold 
mines lay within an hour's walk of San Francisco. In 
'59, many persons landed at Leavenworth, on their way 
to Pike's Peak, under the belief that the auriferous 
mountain was only a day's journey from their landing- 
place. Thousands have gone " West" from New York 
and New England, believing that Chicago was very 
near the frontier. Those who start with no well-defined 
ideas of their destination are generally disappointed. 
The war has given the public a pretty accurate knowl- 
edge of the geography of the South, so that the old mis- 
takes of emigrants to California and Colorado are in 
slight danger of repetition, but there is a possibility of 
too little deliberation iji setting out. 

Before starting, the emigrant should obtain all acces- 
sible information about the region he intends to visit 
Geographies, gazetteers, census returns, and works of a 
similar character will be of great advantage. Much can 
be obtained from persons who traveled in the rebellious 
States during the progress of the war. The leading 
papers throughout the country are now publishing let- 
ters from their special correspondents, relative to the 
state of affairs in the South. These letters are of great 
value, and deserve a careful study. 

Information from interested parties should be re- 
ceived with caution. Those who have traveled in the 
far West know how difficult it is to obtain correct state- 
ments relative to the prosperity or advantages of any 



HOW TO TRAVEL. 507 

specified locality. Every man assures you that the town 
or the county where he resides, or where he is interested, 
is the best and the richest within a hundred miles. To 
an impartial observer, lying appears to be the only per- 
sonal accomplishment in a new country. I presume 
those who wish to encourage Southern migration will 
be ready to set forth all the advantages (but none of the 
disadvantages) of their own localities. 

Having fully determined where to go and what to 
do, having selected his route of travel, and ascertained, 
as near as possible, what will be needed on the journey, 
the emigrant will next consider his financial policy. No 
general rule can be given. In most cases it is better not. 
to take a large amount of money at starting. To many 
this advice wUl be superfluous. Bills of exchange are 
much safer to carry than ready cash, and nearly as con- 
venient for commercial transactions. Beyond an amount 
double the estimated expenses of his journey, the traveler 
will usually carry very little cash. 

For the present, few persons should take their wives 
and children to the interior South, and none should do 
so on their first visit. Many houses have been burned 
or stripped of their furniture, provisions- are scarce and 
costly, and the general facilities for domestic happiness 
are far from abundant. The conveniences for locomo- 
tion in that region are very poor, and will continue so 
for a considerable time. A man can "rough it" any- 
where, but he can hardly expect his family to travel on 
flat cars, or on steamboats that have neither cabins nor 
decks, and subsist on the scanty and badly-cooked pro- 



508 TREE MISSOUEI. 

visions that tlie Sunny Soutli affords. By all means, I 
would counsel any young man on his way to the South 
not to elope with his neighbor' s wife. In view of the 
condition of the country beyond Mason and Dixon's 
line, an elopement would prove his mistake of a life- 
time. 

I have already referred to the resources of Missouri, 
The State possesses greater mineral wealth than any 
other State of the Union, east of the Rocky Mountains. 
Her lead mines are extensive, easily worked, very pro- 
ductive, and practically inexhaustible. The same may 
be said of her iron mines. Pilot Knob and Iron 
3Iountain are nearly solid masses of ore, the latter being 
a thousand feet in height. Copper mines have been 
opened and worked, and tin has been found in several 
localities. The soil of the iSTorthern portion of Missouri 
can boast of a fertility equal to that of Kansas or Illinois. 
In the Southern portion the country is more broken, but 
it contains large areas of rich lands. The productions 
of Missouri are similar to those of the Northern States in 
the same latitude. More hemp is raised in Missouri 
than in any other State except Kentucky. Much of this 
article was used during the Rebellion, in efforts to break 
up the numerous guerrilla bands that infested the State. 
Tobacco is an important product, and its culture is 
highly remunerative. At Hermann, Booneville, and 
other points, the manufacture of wine from the Catawba 
grape is extensively carried on. In location and re- 
sources, Missouri is without a rival among the States 
that formerly maintained the system of slave labor. 



THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE. 509 



CHAPTER XLYIII. 

THE RESOURCES OP THE SOUTHERN" STATES. 

How the People have Lived. — An Agricultural Community. — Mineral 
and other Wealth of Virginia. — Slave-Breeding in Former Times. — 
The Auriferous Region of North Carolina. — Agricultural Advan- 
tages. — Varieties of Soil in South Carolina. — Sea-Island Cotton. — 
Georgia and her Railways. — ^Probable Decline of the Rice Culture. — 
The Everglade State. — The Lower Mississippi Valley. — The Red 
River. — Arkansas and its Advantages. — A Hint for Tragedians. — • 
Mining in Tennessee. — The Blue-Grass Region of Kentucky. — Texas 
and its Attractions. — Difference between Southern and Western 
Emigration. — The End. 

Compared with the ISTorth, the Southern States have 
1been strictly an agricultural region. Their few manu- 
factures were conducted on a small scale, and could not 
compete with those of. the colder latitudes. They gave 
some attention to stock-raising in a few localities, but did 
not attach to it any great importance. Cotton was the 
product which fed, clothed, sheltered, and regaled the 
people. Even with the* immense profits they received 
from its culture, they did not appear to understand the art 
of enjoyment. They generally lived on large and com- 
fortless tracts of land, and had very few cities away from 
• the sea-coast. They thought less of personal comfort than 
of the acquisition of more land, mules, and negroes. 

In the greatest portion of the South, the people lived 



510 HOW THEY LIVED. 

poorer tlian many JSTortliern meclianics liave lived in the 
past twenty years. Tlie property in slaves, to tlie extent 
of four liundred millions of dollars, was their heaviest 
item of wealth, l)ut they seemed unaHe to turn this 
wealth to the greatest advantage. With the climate and 
soil in their favor, they paid little attention to the cheajper 
luxuries of rational living, but surrounded themselves 
with much that was expensive, though utterly useless. 
On plantations where the owners resided, a visiter 
would find the women adorned with diamonds and laces 
that cost many thousand dollars, and feast his eyes upon 
parlor furniture and ornaments of the most elaborate 
character. But the dinner-table would present a repast 
far below that of a New England farmer or mechanic in 
ordinary circumstances, and the sleeping-rooms would 
give evidence that genuine comfort was a secondary con- 
sideration. Outside of New Orleans and Charleston, 
where they are conducted by foreigners, the South has 
no such market gardens, or such abundance and variety 
of wholesome fruits and vegetables, as the more sterile 
Nortb can boast of everywhere. So of a thousand other 
marks of advancing civilization. 

Virginia, "the mother of Presidents," is rich in min- 
erals of the more useful sort, and some of the precious 
metals. Her list of mineral treasures includes gold, cop- 
per, iron, lead, plumbago, coal, and salt. The gold 
mines are not available except to capitalists, and it is 
not yet fully settled whether the yield is sufficient to 
warrant large investments. The gold is extracted from 
an auriferous region, extending from the Eappahannock 



THE MOTHER OF PEESIDENTS. 611 

to the Coosa River, in Alabama. Tlie coal-lbeds in tTie 
State are' easy of access, and said to "be inexhaustible. 
The Kanawha salt-works are well known, and the pe- 
troleum regions of West Yirginia are attracting much 
attention. 

Virginia presents many varieties of soil, and, with a 
better system of cultivation, her productions can be 
greatly increased. (The same may be said of all the 
Southern States, from the Atlantic to the Rio Grande.) 
Her soil is favorable to all the products of the N'orthern 
States. The wheat and corn of Virginia have a high, 
reputation. In the culture of tobacco she has always 
surpassed every other State of the Union, and was also 
the first State in which it was practiced by civilized man 
to any extent. Washington pronounced the central 
counties of Virginia the finest agricultural district in 
the United States, as he knew them. Daniel Webster 
declared, in a public speech in the Shenandoah Valley, 
that he had seen no finer farming land in his European 
travel than in that valley. 

Until 1860, the people of Virginia paid considerable 
attention to the raising of negroes for the Southern 
market. For some reason this trade has greatly de- 
clined within the past five years, the stock becoming 
unsalable, and its production being interrupted. I 
would advise no person to contemplate moving to Vir- 
ginia with a view to raising negroes for sale. The 
business was formerly conducted by the "First Fami- 
lies," and if it should be revived, they will doubtless 
claim an exclusive privilege. 



512 GOLD in.^ES m korth oaeolina. 

Nortli Carolina abounds in minerals, especially in 
gold, copper, iron, and coal. The fields of tlie* latter are 
very extensive. The gold mines of North Carolina have 
iDeen profitably worked for many years. A correspond- 
ent of T7ie World, in a recent letter from Charlotte, 
North Carolina, says : 

In these times of mining excitement it should be more widely 
known that North Carolina is a competitor with California, Idaho, and 
Nebraska. Gold is found in paying quantities in the' State, and in the 
northern parts of South Carolina and Georgia. For a hundred miles 
west and southwest of Charlotte, all the streams contain more or less 
gold-dust. Nuggets of a few ounces have been frequently fouftd, and 
there is one well-authenticated case of a solid nugget weighing twenty- 
eight pounds, which was purchased from its ignorant owner for three 
dollars, and afterward sold at the Mint. Report says a still larger 
lump was found and cut up by the guard at one of the mines. Both at 
Greensboro', Salisbury, and here, the most reliable residents concur in 
pointing to certain farms where the owners procure large sums of gold. 
One German is said to have taken more than a million of dollars from 
his farm, and refuses to sell his land for any price. Negroes are and 
have been accustomed to go out to the creeks and wash on Saturdays, 
frequently bringing in two or three dollars' worth, and not unfrequently 
negroes come to town with little nuggets of the pure ore to trade. 

The iron and copper mines were "developed only to a limited extent 
before the war. The necessities of the case led the Southern authori- 
ties, however, after the outbreak, to turn their attention to tliem, and 
considerable quantities of the ore were secured. This was more espe- 
cially true of iron. 

North Carolina is adapted to all the agricultural 
products of both North and South, with the excejDtion 
of cane sugar. The marshes on the coast make excel- 
lent rice plantations, and, when drained, are very fertile 
in cotton. Much of the low, sandy section, extending 
sixty miles from the coast, is covered with extensive 



THE OEADLE OF SECESSION 618 

forests of pitcli-pine, tliat furnisli large quantities of 
lumber, tar, turpentine, and resin, for export to North- 
ern cities. When cleared and cultivated, this region 
proves quite fertile, but Southern energy has thus far 
been content to give it very little improvement. Much 
of the land in the interior is very rich and productive. 
With the exception of Missouri, IsTorth Carolina is fore- 
most, since the close of the war, in encouraging immi- 
gration. As soon as the first steps were taken toward 
reconstruction, the "North Carolina Land Agency" was 
opened at Raleigh, under the recommendation of the 
Governor of the State. This agency is under the man- 
agement of an association of prominent citizens of Ra- 
leigh, and is now (August, 1865) establishing ofiices in 
the JSTorthern cities for the purpose of representing the 
advantages that North Carolina possesses. 

The auriferous region of North Carolina extends into 
South Carolina and Georgia. In South Carolina the 
agricultural facilities are extensive. According to Ruffin 
and Tuomey (the agricultural surveyors of the State), 
there are six varieties of soil : 1. Tide swamp, devoted 
to the culture of rice. 2. Inland swamp, devoted to 
rice, cotton, corn, wheat, etc. 3. Salt marsh, devoted to 
long cotton. 4. Oak and pine regions, devoted to long 
cotton, corn, and wheat. 5. Oak and hickory regions, 
where cotton and corn flourish. 6. Pine barrens, adapt- 
ed to fruit and vegetables. 

The famous "sea-island cotton" comes from the 
islands along the coast, where large numbers of the 
freed negroes of South Carolina have been recently 

?3 



514 THE SEA-ISLA^'DS. 

located. Soutli Carolina can produce, side by side, the 
corn, wheat, and tobacco of the IS'orth, and the cotton, 
•rice, and sugar-cane of the South, though the latter arti- 
cle is not profitably cultivated. 

Notwithstanding the prophecies of the South Caro- 
linians to the contrary, the free-labor scheme along the 
Atlantic coast has proved successful. The- following 
paragraph is from a letter written by a prominent jour- 
nalist at Savannah : — 

The condition of the islands along this coast is now of the greatest 
interest to the world at large, and to the people of the South in particu- 
lar. Upon careful inquiry, I find that there are over two hundred thou- 
sand acres of land under cultivation by free labor. The enterprises are 
mostly by Northern men, altliough there are natives working their ne- 
groes under the new system, and negroes who are working land on tlioir 
own account. This is the third year of the trial, and every year has 
been a success more and more complete. The profits of some of the 
laborers amount to five hundred, and in some cases five thousand dollars 
a year. The amount of money deposited in bank by the negroes of those 
islands is a hundred and forty thousand dollars. One joint subscription 
to the seven-thirty loan. amounted to eighty thousand dollars. Notwith- 
standing the fact that the troops which landed on the islands robbed, 
indiscriminately, the negroes of their money, mules, and supplies, the 
negroes went back to work again. General Saxton, who has chief 
charge of this enterprise, has his head-quarters at Beaufort. If these 
facts, and the actual prosperity of these islands could be generally 
known throughout the South, it would do more to induce the whites to 
take hold of the freed-labor system than all the general orders and arbi- 
trary commands that General Ilatch has issued. 

The resources of Georgia are similar to those of South 
Carolina, and the climate difiers but little from that of 
the latter State. The rice-swamps are unhealthy, and 
the malaria which arises from them is said to be fatal 
to whites. Many of the planters express a fear that the 



AMONG THE EVERGLADES. 515 

abolition of slavery has ended the culture of rice. They 
argue that the labor is so difficult and exhaustive, that 
the negroes will never perform it excepting . under the 
lash. Cruel modes of punishment being forbidden, the 
planters look upon the rice-lands as valueless. Time 
will show whether these fears are to be realized or not. 
If it should really happen that the negroes refuse to la- 
bor where their lives are of comparatively short dura- 
tion, the country must consent to restore slavery to its 
former status, or purchase its rice in foreign countries. 
As rice is produced in India without slave labor, it is 
possible that some plan may be invented for its cultiva- 
tion here. 

Georgia has a better system of railways than any 
other Southern State, and she is fortunate in possessing 
several navigable rivers. The people are not as hostile 
to Northerners as the inhabitants of South Carolina, but 
they do not display the desire to encourage immigration 
that is manifested in North Carolina. In the interior of 
Georgia, at the time I am writing, there is much suffer- 
ing on account of a scarcity of food. Many cases of 
actual starvation are reported. 

Florida has few attractions to settlers. It is said 
there Is no spot of land in the State three hundred 
feet above the sea-level. Men born with fins and 
webbed feet might enjoy themselves in the lakes and 
swamps, which, form a considerable portion of Florida. 
Those whose tastes are favorable to timber-cutting, can 
find a profitable employment in preparing live-oak and 
other timbers for market. The climate is very healthy, 



516 ALONG THE LOWER MISSISSIPPI. 

and has been found higlily beneficial to invalids. The 
vegetable productions of the State are of similar charac- 
ter to those of Georgia, but their amount is not large. 

In the Indian tongue, Alabama signifies "Here we 
rest." The traveler who rests in the State of that name, 
finds an excellent agricultural region. He finds that 
cotton is king with the Alabamians, and that the State 
has fifteen hundred miles of navigable rivers and a good 
railway system. He finds that Alabama sufiered less b}^ 
the visits of our armies than either Georgia or South 
Carolina. The people extend him the same welcome 
that he received in Georgia. They were too deeply in- 
terested in the perpetuation of slavery to do otherwise 
than mourn the failure to establish tho Confederacy. 

Elsewhere I have spoken of the region bordering the 
lower portion of the Great River of the West, which in- 
cludes Louisiana and Mississippi. In the former State, 
sugar and cotton are the great products. In the latter, 
cotton is the chief object of attention. It is quite prob- 
able that the change from slavery to freedom may ne- 
cessitate the division of the large plantations into farms 
of suitable size for cultivation by, persons of moderate 
capital. If this should be done, there will be a great 
demand for Northern immigrants, and the commerce of 
these States will be largely increased. 

Early -in July, of the present year, after the dispersal 
of the Rebel armies, a meeting was held at Shreveport, 
Louisiana, at which resolutions were passed favoring 
the encouragement of Northern migration to the Red 
River valley. The resolutions set forth, that the pine- 



PECULIARITIES OF THE RED RIVER. 517 

ries of that region would amply repay development, in 
view of tlie large market for lumber along Red Eiver 
and tlie Mississippi. Tliey further declared, that the 
cotton and sugar plantations of West Louisiana offered 
great attractions, and were worthy the attention of North- 
ern men. The passage of these resolutions indicates a 
better spirit than has been manifested by tlie inhabitants 
of other portions of the Pelican State. Many of the 
people in the Red River region profess to have been 
loyal to the Uhited States throughout the days of tiie 
Rebellion. 

The Red River is most appropriately named. It 
flows through a region where the soil has a reddish 
tinge, that is imparted to the water of the river. ' The 
^ sugar produced there has the same peculiarity,. and can 
be readily distinguished from the sugar of otlier locali- 
ties. 

Arkansas is quite rich in minerals, though far less so 
than Missouri. Gold abounds in some localities, and 
lead, iron, and zinc exist in large quantities. The salt- 
peter caves along the White River can furnish sufficient 
saltpeter for the entire Southwest. Along the rivers the 
soil is fertile, but there are many sterile regions in the 
interior. The agricultural products are similar to those 
of Missouri, with the addition of cotton. With the ex- 
ception of the wealthier inhabitants, the people of Ar- 
kansas are desirous of stimulating emigration. They 
suffered so greatly from the tyranny of the Rebel lead- 
ers that they cheerfully accept the overthrow of slavery. 
Arkansas possesses less advantages than most other 



518 A HINT FOR TEAGEDIANS. 

Southern States, being far behind her sisters in matters 
of .education and internal improvement. It is to be 
hoped that her people have discovered their mistake, 
and will make earnest efforts to correct it at an early 
day. 

A story is told of a party of strolling players that 
landed at a town in Arkansas, and advertised a per- 
formance of "Hamlet." A delegation waited upon the 
manager, and ordered him to "move on." The spokes- 
man of the delegation is reported to have said : 

"That thar Shakspeare's play of yourn, stranger, 
may do for New York or New Orleans, but we want 
you to understand that Shakspeare in Arkansas is pretty 
well played out." 

Persons who wish to give attention to mining matters, 
will find attractions in Tennessee, in the deposits of iron, 
copper, and other ores. Coal is found in immense quan- 
tities among the Cumberland Mountains, and lead exists 
in certain localities. Though Tennessee can boast of 
considerable mineral wealth, her advantages are not 
equal to those of Missouri or North Carolina. In agri- 
culture she stands well, though she has no soil of un- 
usual fertility, except in the western portion of the State. 
Cotton, corn, and tobacco are the great staples, and 
considerable quantities of wheat are produced. Stock- 
raising has received considerable attention. More mules 
were formerly raised in Tennessee than in any other 
State of the Union. A large portion of the State is 
admirably adapted to grazing. 

Military operations in Tennessee, during the Rebellion, 



THE BLUE GRASS EEGIOK 519 

were very extensive, and there was great destruction of 
property in consequence. Large numbers of houses and 
other buildings were burned, and many farms laid waste. 
It will require much time, capital, and energy to obliter- 
ate the traces of war. 

The inhabitants of Kentucky believe that their State- 
cannot be surpassed in fertility. They make the famous 
"Blue Grass Region," around Lexington, the subject 
of especial boast. The soil of this section is very rich, 
and the grass has a j)eculiar bluish tinge, from which its 
name is derived. One writer says the following of the 
Blue Grass Region : — 



View the country round from tlie heads of the Licking, the Ohio, 
the Kentucky, Dick's, and down the Green River, and you have a hun- 
dred miles square of the most extraordinary country on which the sun 
has ever shone. 



Farms in this region command the highest prices, and 
there are very few owners who have any desire to sell 
their property. ISTearly all the soil of the State is adapted 
to cultivation. Its staple products are the same as those 
of Missouri. It produces more iiax and hemp than any 
other State, and is second only to Virginia in the quality 
and quantity of its tobacco. Its yield of corn is next to 
that of Ohio. Like Tennessee, it has a large stock-raising 
interest, principally in mules and hogs, for which there 
is always a ready market. 

Kentucky suffered severely during the campaigns of 
the Rebel army in that State, and from the various raids 
of John Morgan. A parody on "My Maryland" was 



520 THE EXTREME SOUTHWEST. 

published in Louisville soon after one of Morgan' s visits, 
of which the first stanza was as follows : — 

John Morgan's foot is on tliy shore, 

Kentucky ! Kentucky ! 
His hand is on thy stable door, 

Kentucky! Kentucky! 
He'll take thy horse he spared before. 
And ride him till his back is sore, 
And leave him at some stranger's door, 

Kentucky ! Kentucky ! 

Last, and greatest, of the lately rebellious States, is 
Texas. Every variety of soil can be found there, from 
the richest alluvial deposits along the river bottoms, 
down to the deserts in the northwestern part of the 
State, where a wolf could not make an honest living. 
All the grains of the Northern States can be produced. 
Cotton, tobacco, and sugar-cane are raised in large 
quantities, and the agricultural capabilities of Texas are 
very great. Being a new State, its system of internal 
communications is not good. Texas has the reputation 
of being the finest grazing region in the Southwest. 
Immense droves of horses, cattle, and sheep cover its 
prairies, and form the wealth of many of the inhabitants. 
Owing to the distance from market, these animals are 
generally held at very low prices. 

Shortly after its annexation to the United States, 
Texas became a resortfor outcasts from civilized society. 
In some parts of the Union, the story goes that sherifi*s 
and their deputies dropped the phrase '■'-non est inven- 
tus^'' fov one more expressive. Whenever they dis- 
covered that parties for whom they held writs had 



G. T. T. 521 

decamped, tliey returned the documents with, the in- 
dorsement "G-. T. T." (gone to Texas). Some writer 
records that the State derived its name from the last 
words of a couplet which runaway individuals were 
supposed to repeat on their arrival : — 

When every other land rejects us, 
This is the land that freely takes us. 

Since 1850, the character of the population of Texas 
has greatly improved, though it does not yet bear favor- 
able comparison to that of Quaker villages, or of rural 
districts of Massachusetts or Connecticut. There is a 
large German element in Texas, which displaj^ed devoted 
loyalty to the Union during the days of the Rebellion. 

An unknown philosopher says the world is peopled 
by two great classes, those who have money, and those 
who haven't — the latter being most numerous. Migra- 
tory Americans are subject to the same distinction. Of 
those who have emigrated to points further West during 
the last thirty years, a very large majority were in a 
condition of impecuniosity. Many persons emigrate on 
account of financial embarrassments, leaving behind 
them debts of varied magnitude. In some cases. Terri- 
tories and States that desired to induce settlers to^come 
within their limits, have passed laws providing that no 
debt contracted elsewhere, previous to emigration, could 
be collected by any legal process. To a man laboring 
under difficulties of a pecuniary character, the new Ter- 
ritories and ,States offer as safe a retreat as the Cities of 
Refuge afforded to criminals in the days of the ancients. 



522 LABOR AND CAPITAL. 

Formerly, tlie West was the only field to wliicli emi- 
grants could direct tlieir steps. There was an ahiindance 
of land, and a great need of hnman sinew to make it lu- 
crative. When land could be occupied by a settler and 
held under his pre-emption title, giving him opportunity 
to -pay for his possession from the products of his own 
industry and the fertility of the soil, there was compara- 
tively little heed of capitah The o^Derations of specu- 
lators frequently tended to retard settlement rather than 
to stimulate it, as they shut out large areas from cultiva- 
tion or occupation, in order to hold them for an advance. 
In many of the Territories a dozen able-bodied men, ac- 
customed to farm labor and willing to toil, were con- 
sidered a greater acquisition than a speculator with 
twenty thousand dollars of hard cash. Labor was of 
more importance than capital. 

To a certain extent tins is still the case. Laboring 
men are greatly needed on the broad acres of the far- 
Western States. 'No one who has not traveled in that 
region can appreciate the sacrifice made by Minnesota, 
Iowa, and Kansas, when they sent their regiments of 
stalwart men to the war. Every arm that carried a mus- 
ket from those States, was a certain integral portion of 
their wealth and prosperity. The great cities of the sea- 
board could spare a thousand men with far less loss than 
would accrue to any of tlie States I have mentioned, 
by the subtraction of a hundred. There is now a great 
demand for men to fill the vacancy caused by deaths in 
the field, and to occupy the extensive areas that are still 
uncultivated. Emigrants without capital will seek the 



WHAT TELE SOUTH KEEDS. 523 

West, where their stout arms will make tliem welcome 
and secure tliem comfortable homes. 

In the South the situation is different. For the pres- 
ent there is a sufficiency of labor. Doubtless there will 
be a scarcity several years hence, but there is no reason 
to fear it immediately. Capital an(^ direction are needed. 
The South is impoverished. Its money is expended, 
and it has no present source of revenue. There is noth- 
ing wherewith to purchase the necessary stock, supplies, 
and implements for prosecuting agricultural enterprise. 
The planters are generally helpless. Capital to supply 
the want must come from the rich IS'orth. 

Direction is no less -needed than capital. A majority 
of Southern men declare the negroes will be Avorthless 
to them, now that slavery is abolished. "We have," 
say they, "lived among these negroes all our- days. We 
know them in no other light than as slaves. We com- 
mand them to do what we wish, and we punish them 
as we see fit for disobedience. We cannot manage theqj 
in any other way." 

No doubt this is the declaration of their honest be- 
lief. A Northern man can give them an answer appeal- 
ing to their reason, if not to their conviction. He can 
say, ' ' You are accustomed to dealing with slaves, and 
you doubtless tell the truth when declaring you cannot 
manage the negroes under the new system. We are ac- 
customed to dealing with freemen, and do not know how 
to control, slaves. The negroes being free, our knowl- 
edge of freemen will enable us to manage them without 
difficulty." 



> .-v' ■ 

524 THE COST OF A HOME. 

Every thing is favorable to the man of small or large 
capital, who desires to emigrate to the South. In con- 
sideration of the impoverishment of the people and tneir 
distrust of the freed negroes as laborers, lands in the best 
districts can be purchased very cheaply. Plantations 
can be bought, many of them with all the buildings and 
fences still remaining, though somewhat out of repair, 
at prices ranging from three to ten dollars an acre. A 
few hundred dollars will do far more toward securing a 
home for the settler in the South than in the West. La- 
bor is abundant, and the laborers can Ibe easily con- 
trolled b}^ ISTorthern brains. The land is already broken, 
and its cajDabilities are fully known. Capital, if judi- 
ciously invested and under proper direction, whether in 
large or moderate amounts, will be reasonably certain 
of an ample return. * 



FINIS. 



LB D "i2 



